Moggallāna vuttivivaraṇapañcikā.

The Sub-commentary on the Explanation of Moggallāna's Exposition.

Vuttisametā.

Accompanied by the Exposition.

Namo tassa bhagavato arahato sammāsambuddhassa

Homage to the Blessed One, the Arahant, the Perfectly Self-Enlightened One.

Saddhamiddhaguṇaṃ sādhu namassitvā tathāgataṃ,Sadhammasaṅghaṃ bhāsissaṃ māgadhaṃ saddalakkhaṇaṃ.

Having duly paid homage to the Tathāgata, who is endowed with the qualities of the flourishing True Dhamma, and to the True Dhamma and the Saṅgha, I shall expound the Magadhan grammar.

Akārādayo niggahītantā tecattālīsakkharā vaṇṇā nāma honti, a ā i ī u ū e ऐ o औ ka kha ga gha ṅa ca cha ja jha ña ṭa ṭha ḍa ḍha ṇa ta tha da dha na pa pha ba bha ma ya ra la va sa ha ḷa aṃ; tena kvattho ‘‘ñonama vaṇṇe‘‘. titālīsāti vacanaṃ katthavi vaṇṇalopaṃ ñāpeti; tena-paṭisaṅkhāyoni soti-ādi siddhaṃ.

The letters from 'a' up to the niggahīta—forty-three letters in all—are designated as 'vaṇṇā' (phonemes): a, ā, i, ī, u, ū, e, ai, o, au, ka, kha, ga, gha, ṅa, ca, cha, ja, jha, ña, ṭa, ṭha, ḍa, ḍha, ṇa, ta, tha, da, dha, na, pa, pha, ba, bha, ma, ya, ra, la, va, sa, ha, ḷa, aṃ. Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'ñonama vaṇṇe'? The statement 'thirty-three' indicates the elision of a letter in some places; by that, [forms like] 'paṭisaṅkhāyoni', 'soti', etc., are established.

Dasādo sarā-.

The ten at the beginning are vowels.

Tatthādimhi dasa vaṇṇā sarā nāma honti; tena kvattho ‘‘saro lopo sare‘‘. ccādi.

Among them, the first ten letters are designated as 'sarā' (vowels). Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'saro lopo sare', etc.?

Dvedve savaṇṇā-.

Each two are homogeneous letters.

Tesu dvedve sarā savaṇṇā nāma honti; tena kvattho ‘‘vaṇṇapareṇa savaṇṇopi‘‘

Among them, each two vowels are designated 'savaṇṇā' (homogeneous vowels). Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'vaṇṇapareṇa savaṇṇopi'?

1.2.

1.2.

Pubbo rasso-.

The former is short.

Tesu dvīsu yo yo pubbo so so rassasañño hoti; tesu e o saṃyogato pubbāva dissanti; tena kvattho ‘‘rasso ve‘‘.ccādi.

Among these two, whichever is the former is designated 'short'. Among them, 'e' and 'o' are seen as preceding due to combination. Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'rasso ve', etc.?

Paro dīgho-.

The latter is long.

Tesveva dvīsu yo yo paro so so dīghasañño hoti; tena kvattho’yolopanisu dīgho‘‘.ccādi.

Among those same two, whichever is the latter is designated 'long'. Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'ayolopanisu dīgho', etc.?

Kādayo byajanā-.

Those beginning with 'ka' are consonants.

Kakārādayo vaṇṇā niggahītapariyantā byajanasaññā honti; tena kvattho ‘‘byajane dīgharassā‘‘.ccādi.

The letters beginning with 'ka' up to the niggahīta are designated 'consonants'. Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'byajane dīgharassā', etc.?

Pañca pañcakā vaggā-.

The five groups of five are the classes.

Kādayo pañcakā pañca vaggā nāma hontī; tena kvattho ‘‘vagge vagganto‘‘. ccādi.

The five groups of five beginning with 'ka' are designated 'vaggā' (classes). Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'vagge vagganto', etc.?

Bindu niggahītaṃ-.

The dot is the niggahīta.

Yvāyaṃ vaṇṇe bindumatto so niggahītasañño hoti; tena kvattho ‘‘niggahītami‘‘. ccādi; garusaññā karaṇaṃ anvatthasaññatthaṃ.

That which is a mere dot among the letters is designated 'niggahīta'. Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'niggahītami', etc.? The designation 'heavy' is for the purpose of the designation being meaningful.

Iyuvaṇṇā jjhalā nāmassante-.

The letters 'i' and 'u' at the end of a nominal stem are 'jhalā'.

Nāmaṃ pāṭipadikaṃ tassa ante vattamānā ivaṇṇuvaṇṇā jhalasaññā honti yathākkamaṃ; tena kvattho‘‘jhalā ve‘‘. Ccādi.

A nominal stem is a base form; the 'i'-vowel and 'u'-vowel occurring at its end are designated 'jhalā' respectively. Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'jhalā ve', etc.?

Pitthiyaṃ-.

In the feminine.

Itthiyaṃ vattamānassa nāmassante vattamānā ivaṇṇu vaṇṇā pasaññā honti; tena kvatthā ‘‘ye passivaṇṇassa‘‘. Iccādi.

The 'i'-vowel and 'u'-vowel occurring at the end of a nominal stem in the feminine are designated 'pa'. Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'ye passivaṇṇassa', etc.?

Ghā-.

Ghā.

Itthiyaṃ vattamānassa nāmassante vattamāno ākāro ghasañeññā hoti; tena kvattho ‘‘ghabrahmādite‘‘.Ccādi.

The letter 'ā' occurring at the end of a nominal stem in the feminine is designated 'gha'. Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'ghabrahmādite', etc.?

Gosyālapane-.

Of 'go', in the vocative.

Ālapane si gasañño hoti; tena kvattho ‘‘ge ve‘‘.Ccādi.

In the vocative, 'si' is designated 'ga'. Therefore, what is the purpose of [the rule] 'ge ve', etc.?

Saññādhikāro.

The Chapter on Designations.

Vidhibbisesanantassa-.

[A rule applies] to that which ends in the qualifier.

Yaṃ visesanaṃ tadantassa vidhi ñātabbo; ‘‘ato yonaṃ ṭāṭe‘‘. Narā nare.

Whatever is a qualifier, the rule should be understood to apply to that which ends with it; [as in the rule] 'ato yonaṃ ṭāṭe'. [Example:] Narā [becomes] nare.

Sattamiyaṃ pubbassa-.

In the locative case, of the preceding.

Sattamīniddese pubbasseva kāriyaṃ ñatabbaṃ; ‘‘saro lopo sare‘‘. Veḷaggaṃ; tamahantīdha kasmā na hoti; saretopasilesikādhāro tatthetāva vuccate pubbasseva hoti na parassāti.

In a locative designation, the operation should be understood as applying only to the preceding; [as in the rule] 'saro lopo sare'. [Example:] Veḷaggaṃ. Why does this not occur here in `tamahanti`? Because the locative case indicates a contiguous basis, it is stated there that it applies only to the preceding, not to the following.

Pañcamiyaṃ parassa-.

In the ablative case, of the following.

Pañcamīniddese parassa kāriyaṃ ñatabbaṃ; ‘‘ato yonaṃ ṭāṭe‘‘. Narā nare; idha na hoti jantuyo anantā; idha kasmā na hoti; osadhyo anantare katatthatāya na vyava hitassa kāriyaṃ.

In an ablative designation, the action should be understood as applying to the following; [as in the rule] 'ato yonaṃ ṭāṭe'. [Example:] Narā [becomes] nare. Here, it does not occur in `jantuyo anantā`. Why does it not occur here? Because the operation is performed on what is immediately adjacent, it does not apply to what is separated.

Ādissa-.

Of the initial.

Parassa sissamānaṃ kāriyamādivaṇṇassa ñātabbaṃ; ‘‘ra saṅkhyāto vā‘‘. Rājinā.

An operation prescribed for a following element should be understood as applying to its initial letter; [as in the rule] 'ra saṅkhyāto vā'. [Example:] Rājinā.

Chaṭṭhiyantassa-.

Of that which ends in the sixth case.

Chaṭṭhiniddiṭṭhassa yaṃ kāriyaṃ tadantassa vaṇṇassa viññeyyaṃ ‘‘rājassi nāmhi‘‘. Rājinā.

Whatever action is designated by the sixth case, it should be understood as pertaining to the final letter of that [base]; [as in the rule] 'rājassi nāmhi'. [Example:] Rājinā.

Ṅanubandho-.

The indicatory letter 'ṅ'.

Ṅakāro’nubandho yassa so’ntassa hoti; ‘‘gossāvaṅi‘‘. Gavāssaṃ.

An element which has the indicatory letter 'ṅ' applies to the end of that to which it is prescribed; [as in the rule] 'gossāvaṅi'. [Example:] Gavāssaṃ.

Ṭanubandhānekavaṇṇā sabbassa-.

An element with the indicatory letter 'ṭ' and an element with multiple letters [apply] to the whole.

Ṭakāro’nubandho yassa so’nekakkharo cādeso sabbassa hoti; ‘‘imassānitthiyaṃ ṭe‘‘. Esu ‘‘nāmhanimi‘‘. Anena.

An element with the indicatory letter 'ṭ', and a substitute consisting of multiple letters, applies to the whole [of that which it replaces]; [as in the rule] 'imassānitthiyaṃ ṭe'. [Examples:] Esu, 'nāmhanimi', Anena.

Ñakānubandhādyantā-.

Elements with indicatory 'ñ' and 'k' are initial and final augments.

Chaṭṭhiniddiṭṭhassa ñānubandhakānubandhā ādyantā honti; ‘‘bruto tissīña‘‘. Bravīti, ‘‘bhussa vuka‘‘. Babhuva.

For that which is designated by the sixth case, elements with the indicatory letters 'ñ' and 'k' are initial and final augments, respectively; [as in the rule] 'bruto tissīña'. [Example:] Bravīti. [And in the rule] 'bhussa vuka'. [Example:] Babhuva.

Manubandho sarānamantā paro-.

An element with the indicatory letter 'm' is inserted after the final vowel.

Makāro’nubandho yassa so sarānamantā sarā paro hotī; ‘‘mañca rudhādīnaṃ‘‘. Rundhati.

That which has the letter 'm' as an indicatory letter is inserted after the final vowel; [as in the rule] 'mañca rudhādīnaṃ'. [Example:] Rundhati.

Vippaṭisedhe-.

In case of conflict.

Dvinnaṃ tiṇṇaṃ vā purisānaṃ sahappattiyaṃ paro; so ca gacchati tvañca gacchasi, tumhe gacchatha; so ca gacchati tvañca gacchasi ahañca gacchāmi, mayaṃ gacchāma.

When two or three persons apply simultaneously, the following one prevails; [as in] 'so ca gacchati tvañca gacchasi, tumhe gacchatha'; [and] 'so ca gacchati tvañca gacchasi ahañca gacchāmi, mayaṃ gacchāma'.

Saṅketo’navayavo’nubandho-.

A designation that is not a component part is an anubandha.

Yo’navayavabhuto saṅketo so’nubandhoti ñatabbo;latupitādīnamāsimhi. Kattā, saṅketaggahaṇaṃ kiṃ? Pakatīyādisamudāyassānubandhatā mā hotuti; anavayavo hi samudāyo samudāyarūpattāyeva; anavayavaggahaṇaṃ kiṃ?’Atena’. Janena; imināva lopassāvagatattā nānubandhalopāya vacanamāraddhaṃ.

That designation which is not a component part should be known as an anubandha; [as in] 'āsi' for 'latu', 'pitu', etc. [Example:] Kattā. What is the purpose of the inclusion of 'designation'? So that the aggregate of the base form, etc., does not become an anubandha. For an aggregate is indeed not a component part, by virtue of its very nature as an aggregate. What is the purpose of the inclusion of 'not a component part'? [Examples:] 'Atena', 'Janena'. Because elision is understood by this very means, a statement for the elision of anubandhas is not undertaken.

Vaṇṇaparena savaṇṇo’pi-.

By [the mention of] a letter, also its homogeneous counterpart [is included].

Vaṇṇasaddo paro yasmā tena savaṇṇo’pi gayhati saṃva rūpaṃ; yuvaṇṇānamño luttā‘‘. Vāteritaṃ, samonā.

When the word 'letter' is used, by it is grasped its own form and also its homogeneous counterpart; [as in the rule] 'yuvaṇṇānamño luttā'. [Examples:] Vāteritaṃ, samonā.

Ntu vantumanatvāvantutavantusambandhi-.

'Ntu' is that which is related to 'vantu', 'mantu', 'avant', and 'tavantu'.

Vantvādisambandhiyeva ntu gayhati, ‘‘ntantunaṃ nto yomhi paṭhame‘‘. Guṇavanto; vantvādisambandhīti kiṃ; jantu tantu.

Indeed, 'ntu' is grasped only when connected with 'vantu', etc.; [as in the rule] 'ntantunaṃ nto yomhi paṭhame'. [Example:] Guṇavanto. Why [the condition] 'connected with vantu, etc.'? [Counter-examples:] Jantu, tantu.

Paribhāsāyo.

The Rules of Interpretation.

Saro lopo sare-.

A vowel is elided before a vowel.

Sare saro lopanīyo hoti; tatrime, saddhindriyaṃ, no hetaṃ, bhikkhunovādo, sametāyasmā, abhibhāyatanaṃ, puttā matthi, asantettha.

A vowel is to be elided when a vowel follows; [for example:] tatrime, saddhindriyaṃ, no hetaṃ, bhikkhunovādo, sametāyasmā, abhibhāyatanaṃ, puttā matthi, asantettha.

Paro kvaci lopanīyo hoti; so’pi, sāva, yatodakaṃ, tatova; kvavīti kiṃ? Saddhinduyaṃ ayamadhikāro āparicchedāvasānā tena nātippasaṅgo.

Sometimes the following [vowel] is to be elided; [examples:] so’pi, sāva, yatodakaṃ, tatova. What is the purpose of 'kvaci'? This governing rule [applies] up to the end of the chapter on phonology; therefore, there is no over-application.

Nadvevā-.

Not both, or optionally.

Pubbaparasarā dve’pi vā kvaci na lupyante; latā iva lateva latāva.

Both the preceding and following vowels are sometimes optionally not elided; [examples:] latā iva, lateva, latāva.

Yuvaṇṇanamño luttā-.

For the letters 'i' and 'u', 'y' and 'v' [are substituted] after elision.

Luttā sarā paresaṃ ivaṇṇuvaṇṇānaṃ ño honti vā yathākkamaṃ; tassedaṃ, vāteritaṃ, nopeti, vāmoru, ateva’ññe, vodakaṃ; kathaṃ paccorasmanti; yogavibhagā, vātveva tassidaṃ; lutteti kiṃ? Latā iva.

After a vowel has been elided, a subsequent i-vowel or u-vowel optionally becomes 'y' or 'v' respectively; examples: tassedaṃ, vāteritaṃ, nopeti, vāmoru, ateva’ññe, vodakaṃ. How is 'paccorasmanti' formed? By splitting the rule, as in 'vātveva tassidaṃ'. What is the purpose of [the word] 'elided'? Example: Latā iva.

Yavā sare-.

Y and v before a vowel.

Sare pare ivaṇṇuvaṇṇānaṃ yakāravakārā hontiva yathākkamaṃ; vyākato, iccassa, ajjhiṇamutto, svāgataṃ, bhavāpanalānīlaṃ; vāttheva-itissa; kvacītveva-yānīdha, sūpaṭṭhitaṃ.

When a vowel follows, i-vowels and u-vowels optionally become 'y' and 'v' respectively; examples: vyākato, iccassa, ajjhiṇamutto, svāgataṃ, bhavāpanalānīlaṃ. Optionally thus: itissa; and sometimes thus: yānīdha, sūpaṭṭhitaṃ.

Ñonaṃ-.

Of 'e' and 'o'.

Ñonaṃ yavā honti vā sare yathākkamaṃ; tyajja te’jja svāhaṃ so’haṃ,kvacitveva-puttāmatthi asantettha.

For 'e' and 'o', 'y' and 'v' optionally occur respectively when a vowel follows; examples: tyajja, te’jja, svāhaṃ, so’haṃ. And sometimes thus: puttāmatthi, asantettha.

Gossāvaṅi-.

For 'go', 'avaṅ'.

Sare gossa avaṅi hoti; gavāssaṃ; yathariva tatharivetinipātāva; bhusāmiveti ivasaddo evattho.

Before a vowel, 'avaṅ' occurs for 'go'; example: gavāssaṃ. Yathariva and tathariva are indeed particles; in 'bhusāmiva', the word 'iva' has the meaning of 'eva'.

Byañjane dīgharassā-.

Long and short [vowels] before a consonant.

Rassadīghānaṃ kvaci dīgharassā honti byañjane; tatrāyaṃ, munīvare, sammadeva, mālahārī.

For short and long [vowels], sometimes long and short [vowels] occur before a consonant; examples: tatrāyaṃ, munīvare, sammadeva, mālahārī.

Saramhā dve-

Two [forms] after a vowel.

Saramhā parassa byañjanassa kvaci dve rūpā honti; paggaho; saramhāti-kiṃ? Taṃkhaṇaṃ.

For a consonant following a vowel, sometimes two forms occur; example: paggaho. Why [the condition] 'after a vowel'? Example: Taṃkhaṇaṃ.

Catutthadutiyesveyaṃ tatiyapaṭhāmā-.

For the fourth and second [consonants], the third and first.

Catutthadutiyesu paresvesaṃ catutthadutiyānaṃ tabbagge tatiyapaṭhamā honti paccāsattya; mahaddhano, yasa tthero, apphuṭaṃ, abbhuggato; esviti-kiṃ? Thero; esantikiṃ?Pattho.

When a fourth or second class-consonant follows, the preceding consonant becomes the third or first of that class, respectively, due to proximity; examples: mahaddhano, yasa tthero, apphuṭaṃ, abbhuggato. Why [the condition] 'when they follow'? Example: Thero. Why [the condition] 'for them'? Example: Pattho.

Vitisseve vā-.

For 'iti' before 'eva', optionally.

Evasadde pare itissa vo hoti vā; ittheva icceva; eveti-kiṃ,iccāha.

When the word 'eva' follows, 'iti' optionally becomes 'vo'; examples: ittheva, icceva. Why [the condition] 'eva'? Example: iccāha.

Ñonama vaṇṇe-.

For 'e' and 'o', 'a' [is substituted] before a letter.

Ñonaṃ vaṇṇe kvaci a hoti vā; disvā yācakamāgate, akarambhasate,esaattho, esadhammo, maggo aggamakkhāyati, svāyatanaṃ, hiyyattanaṃ, karassu; vātveva-yācake āgate, eso dhammo; vaṇṇeti kiṃ?So.

For 'e' and 'o', 'a' sometimes optionally occurs before a letter; examples: disvā yācakamāgate, akarambhasate, esa attho, esa dhammo, maggo aggamakkhāyati, svāyatanaṃ, hiyyattanaṃ, karassu. Optionally thus: yācake āgate, eso dhammo. Why [the condition] 'before a letter'? Example: So.

Niggahītaṃ-.

Niggahīta.

Niggabhītamāgamo hoti vā kvaci; cakkhuṃ udapādi cakkhu udapādi, purimaṃjāti purimajāti, kattabbaṃ kusalaṃ bahuṃ. Avaṃ siroti-ādisu niccaṃ vavatthītavibhāsattā vādhikārassa; sāmatthī yenāgamova sa ca rassasarasseva hoti tassa rassānugatattā.

The niggahīta sometimes optionally occurs as an augment; examples: cakkhuṃ udapādi, cakkhu udapādi; purimaṃ jāti, purima jāti; kattabbaṃ kusalaṃ bahuṃ. In 'avaṃ siro', etc., it is obligatory due to the principle of established option in the governing rule; by its power, it is indeed an augment, and it occurs only after a short vowel, because it conforms to the nature of that short [vowel].

Lopo-.

Elision.

Niggahītassa lopo hoti vā kvaci; kyāhaṃ kīmahaṃ, sā ratto saṃratto; sallekho-gattukāmo-gantumanotiādisu niccaṃ.

The niggahīta is sometimes optionally elided; examples: kyāhaṃ, kīmahaṃ; sā ratto, saṃratto. In 'sallekho', 'gattukāmo', 'gantuma', etc., it is always [elided].

Parasarassa-

Of the subsequent vowel.

Niggahītamhā parassa sarassa lopo hoti vā kvaci; tvaṃsi tvamasi.

After a niggahīta, the subsequent vowel is sometimes optionally elided; examples: tvaṃsi, tvamasi.

Vagge vagganto-

The class-final nasal before a class-consonant.

Niggahītassa kho vagge vagganto vā hoti paccā satyā; taṅkaroti taṃ karoti, tañcarati taṃ carati, taṇṭhānaṃ taṃ ṭhānaṃ, tandhanaṃ taṃ dhanaṃ, tampāti taṃ pāti; niccaṃ pada majjhe, gantvā; kvacaññatrāpi, santiṭṭhati.

Indeed, for the niggahīta, the class-final nasal optionally occurs before a class-consonant, due to proximity; examples: taṅkaroti, taṃ karoti; tañcarati, taṃ carati; taṇṭhānaṃ, taṃ ṭhānaṃ; tandhanaṃ, taṃ dhanaṃ; tampāti, taṃ pāti. It is obligatory in the middle of a word: gantvā. Sometimes elsewhere also: santiṭṭhati.

Yevahisuñño-.

Before 'y', 'eva', 'hi', and 'su', 'ñ' [is substituted].

Yaevahisaddesu niggahītassa vā ño hoti; yayaññadeva, taññeva, tañbhi; vātveva-yaṃyadeva.

Before the sounds 'y', 'eva', and 'hi', the niggahīta optionally becomes 'ñ'; examples: yayaññadeva, taññeva, tañhi. Optionally thus: yaṃyadeva.

Ye saṃssa-

Of 'saṃ' before 'y'.

Saṃsaddassa yaṃ niggahītaṃ tassa vā ño hoti yakāre; saññamo saṃyamo.

For the niggahīta of the word 'saṃ', it optionally becomes 'ñ' before the letter 'y'; examples: saññamo, saṃyamo.

Mayadā sare-.

Regarding m, y, and d before a vowel:

Niggahītassa mayadā honti vā sare kvaci; tamahaṃ, tayidaṃ, tadalaṃ; vātveva-taṃ ahaṃ.

The niggahīta optionally becomes m, y, or d before a vowel in some cases; e.g., tamahaṃ, tayidaṃ, tadalaṃ. Alternatively, it remains taṃ ahaṃ.

Vanataragā cāgamā-.

Concerning the augments v, n, t, r, g, and ā:

Ete mayadā cāgamā honti sare vā kvaci; tivaṅgīkaṃ, ito nāyati, cinitvā, tasmātiha, nirojaṃ, puthageva, idhamāhu, yathayidaṃ, attadatthaṃ; vātveva-attatthaṃ; atippago kho tāvāti-paṭhamanto pagasaddova.

These—m, y, d, and others—optionally become augments before a vowel in some cases; e.g., tivaṅgīkaṃ, ito nāyati, cinitvā, tasmātiha, nirojaṃ, puthageva, idhamāhu, yathayidaṃ, attadatthaṃ. Alternatively, it remains attatthaṃ. As for atippago kho tāvāti, the first element is simply the sound pa.

Chā ḷo-.

Regarding cha and ḷ:

Chasaddā parassa sarassa ḷakāro āgamo hoti vā; chaḷahaṃ, chaḷāyatanaṃ; vātveva-cha abhiññā.

After the word cha, the letter ḷ is optionally inserted as an augment before a following vowel; e.g., chaḷahaṃ, chaḷāyatanaṃ. Alternatively, it remains cha abhiññā.

Tadaminādīni-

Regarding tadaminā and so on:

Tadaminādīni sādhūni bhavanti? Taṃ iminā tadaminā, sakiṃ āgāmī sakadāgāmī, ekaṃ idha ahaṃ ekamidāhaṃ, saṃvidhāya avahāro saṃvidāvahāro, vārino vāhako valāhako, jīvanassa mūto jīmūto, chavassa sayanaṃ susānaṃ, uddhaṃ khamassa udukkhalaṃ, pisi tāso pisāco, mahiyaṃ ravatīti mayūro; evamaññepi payoga to’nugantabbā; paresaṃ pisodarādivedaṃ daṭṭhabbaṃ.

Are tadaminā and so on correct forms? For example: taṃ iminā becomes tadaminā; sakiṃ āgāmī becomes sakadāgāmī; ekaṃ idha ahaṃ becomes ekamidāhaṃ; saṃvidhāya avahāro becomes saṃvidāvahāro; vārino vāhako is valāhako (cloud); jīvanassa mūto is jīmūto (thundercloud); chavassa sayanaṃ is susānaṃ (cemetery); uddhaṃ khamassa is udukkhalaṃ (mortar); pisi tāso is pisāco (demon); mahiyaṃ ravatīti is mayūro (peacock). In this way, other instances should be understood from usage. In other grammatical works, the section on pisodara and the like should be consulted.

Tavaggavaraṇānaṃ ye cavaggabayañā-.

Regarding the ta-group, va, and ra becoming the ca-group, ba, ya, and ñ:

Tavaggavaraṇānaṃ cavaggabayañā honti yathākkamaṃ yakāre; apūccaṇḍakāyaṃ, tacchaṃ, yajjevaṃ, ajjhattaṃ, thañaññaṃ, dibbaṃ, payyesanā, pokkharañño; kvacītveva-ratyā.

The letters of the ta-group, va, and ra respectively become the letters of the ca-group, ba, ya, and ñ when followed by the letter y; e.g., apūccaṇḍakāyaṃ, tacchaṃ, yajjevaṃ, ajjhattaṃ, thañaññaṃ, dibbaṃ, payyesanā, pokkharañño. Sometimes, however, it remains ratyā.

Vaggalasehi te-

After stop consonants, l, and s:

Vaggalasehi parassa yakārassa kvaci te vaggalasā honti; sakkate, paccate, aṭṭate, kuppate, phallate, assate, kvacī tveca-kyāhaṃ.

Sometimes, after a stop consonant, l, or s, a following letter y is assimilated to that preceding consonant; e.g., sakkate, paccate, aṭṭate, kuppate, phallate, assate. Sometimes, however, it remains kyāhaṃ.

Hassa vipallāso-

Regarding the metathesis of h:

Hassa vipallāso hoti yakāre; guyhaṃ.

The metathesis of h occurs when it is followed by the letter y; e.g., guyhaṃ.

Ve vā-.

Optionally before v:

Hassa vipallāso hoti vā vakāre; bavhābādho bahvā bādho.

The metathesis of h optionally occurs when it is followed by the letter v; e.g., bavhābādho, or alternatively, bahvābādho.

Tathanarānaṃ ṭaṭhaṇalā-.

Regarding t, th, n, and r becoming ṭ, ṭh, ṇ, and l:

Tathanarānaṃ ṭaṭhaṇalā hontī vā; dukkaṭaṃ, aṭṭhakathā, gahaṇaṃ, paligho, palāyati, vātveca-dukkataṃ; kvacītveva-sugato.

The letters t, th, n, and r optionally become ṭ, ṭh, ṇ, and l respectively; e.g., dukkaṭaṃ, aṭṭhakathā, gahaṇaṃ, paligho, palāyati. Alternatively, it remains dukkataṃ. Sometimes, however, it remains sugato.

Saṃyogādilopo-

Elision of the initial [consonant] of a conjunct:

Saṃyogassa yo ādibhuto’vayavo tassa vā kvacī lopo hoti; pupphaṃsā, jāyate’gini.

Of a conjunct consonant, its initial member is optionally elided in some cases; e.g., pupphaṃsā, jāyate’gini.

Vicchābhikkhaññesu dve-

Doubling in distribution and repetition:

Vīcchāyamābhikkhaññe ca yaṃ vattate tassa dve rūpāni honti, kriyāya guṇena dabbena vā bhinne atthe vyāpitu micchā vīcchā; rukkhaṃrukkhaṃ siñcati, gāmogāmo ramaṇīyo, gāme gāme pānīyaṃ, gehe gehe issaro, rasaṃ rasaṃ bhakkhayatī, kiriyaṃ kiriyamārahate.

In the sense of distribution (vīcchā) and repetition (ābhikkhañña), a word that is used is doubled. Vīcchā is the desire to pervade a meaning distinguished by action, quality, or substance; e.g., rukkhaṃrukkhaṃ siñcati (he waters tree by tree), gāmogāmo ramaṇīyo (village by village is delightful), gāme gāme pānīyaṃ (in each village there is water), gehe gehe issaro (in each house there is a lord), rasaṃ rasaṃ bhakkhayati (he eats flavor by flavor), kiriyaṃ kiriyamārabhati (he undertakes action after action).

Atthiyevānupubbiye’pi vīcchā, mūle thūlā, agge agge sukhumā; yadi hi ettha mūlaggabhedo na siyā ānupubbiyampi na bhaveyya, (jeṭṭhaṃ jeṭṭhamanuppavesaya) māsakaṃ māsakaṃ imamhā kahāpaṇā bhavantānaṃ dvinnaṃ dehīti- māsakaṃ māsakamiccetasmā vīcchāvagamyate saddantarato pana imamhā kahāpaṇāti avadhāraṇaṃ; pubbaṃ pubbaṃ pupphanti, paṭhamaṃ paṭhamaṃ paccantīti vīcchāva; ime ubho aḍḍhā katarā katarā esaṃ dvinnamaḍḍhatā, sabbe ime aḍḍhā katamā katamā imesaṃ aḍḍhatā, ihāpi vīcchāva; ābhikkhaññaṃ-ponopuññaṃ, pacati pacati papacati papacati, lunāhi lunāhitvevāyaṃ lunāti, bhutvā bhutvā gacchati, paṭapaṭā karoti, paṭapaṭāyati.

There is also distribution in the sense of sequence: at the root it is coarse, at the very tip it is subtle. For if there were no distinction between root and tip here, there would be no sequence either. (E.g., 'Let the eldest by eldest enter.') When it is said, 'Give a māsaka, a māsaka, from this kahāpaṇa, to both of you,' distribution is understood from 'māsakaṃ māsakaṃ'; but from the other word, 'imamhā kahāpaṇā,' there is a specification. 'They bloom earlier and earlier,' 'they ripen first and first'—this is indeed distribution. 'These two are halves; which of these two is their halfness?' 'All these are halves; which of these is their halfness?'—here too is distribution. Repetition (ābhikkhañña) is recurrence; e.g., pacati pacati (he cooks and cooks), papacati papacati (he cooks repeatedly); lunāhi lunāhi—thus he cuts; bhutvā bhutvā gacchati (having eaten again and again, he goes); paṭapaṭā karoti (he makes a 'paṭapaṭā' sound), paṭapaṭāyati (he makes a 'paṭapaṭā' sound).

Syādilopo pubbassekassa-.

Elision of the case ending of the first of two:

Vīcchāmekassa dvitte pubbassa syādilopo hoti, ekekassa, kathaṃ matthakamatthakenāti? Syādilopo pubbassāti yogavibhāgā; na cātippaṅgo yogavibhāgā iṭṭhappasiddhīti.

When a single word is doubled in the sense of distribution, the case ending of the first word is elided; e.g., ekekassa. How then is matthakaṃ matthakena explained? The rule 'elision of the case ending of the first' is applied by means of splitting the rule. And there is no over-application, for by splitting the rule the desired form is achieved.

Sabbādīnaṃ vītihāre-.

Regarding sabba and so on in the sense of reciprocal action:

Sabbādīnaṃ vītihāre dve bhavanti pubbassa syādilopo ca; aññamaññassa bhojakā, itarītarassa bhojakā.

In the sense of reciprocal action, words such as sabba are doubled, and the case ending of the first word is elided; e.g., aññamaññassa bhojakā (feeders of one another), itarītarassa bhojakā (feeders of each other).

Yāva bodhaṃ sambhame-.

In agitation, until understanding is reached:

Turitenāpāyahetupadassanaṃ sambhamo, tasmiṃ sati vattu yāvanteha saddehi so’ttho viññāyate tāvanto saddā payujjante; sappo sappo sappo, bujjhassu bujjhassu bujjhassu, bhinno bhikkhusaṅgho bhinno bhikkhusaṅgho.

Agitation (sambhamo) is the swift indication of a cause for alarm. In such a state, a speaker uses as many words as are needed for the meaning to be understood; e.g., Sappo! Sappo! Sappo! (A snake! A snake! A snake!), Bujjhassu! Bujjhassu! Bujjhassu! (Wake up! Wake up! Wake up!), Bhinno bhikkhusaṅgho! Bhinno bhikkhusaṅgho! (The Saṅgha is split! The Saṅgha is split!).

Bahulaṃ-.

Variously:

Ayamadhikāro āsatthaparisamattiyā tena nātippasaṅgo iṭṭhasiddhi ca.

This governing rule is for the completion of the treatise; therefore, there is no over-extension, and the desired result is achieved.

Iti moggallānavyākaraṇe vuttīyaṃ paṭhamo kaṇḍo.

Thus ends the first chapter of the commentary on Moggallāna's Grammar.

Dvedvekānekesu nāmasmā siyoaṃyonābhisanaṃ smāhisanaṃsmiṃsu-.

From a noun, in singular and plural respectively, [the endings are applied] two by two: `si, yo; aṃ, yo; nā, bhi; sa, naṃ; smā, hi; sa, naṃ; smiṃ, su`.

Etesaṃ dve dve honti ekānekatthesu vattamānato nāmasmā; muni munayo, muniṃ munayo, muninā munīhi, munissa munīnaṃ, munismā munīhi, munissa munīnaṃ, munismiṃ munīsu, evaṃ kumārī kumāriyo, kaññā kaññāyoti; etāni satta dukāni sattavibhattiyo; vibhāgo vibhattīti katvā-ettha siamitīkārā kārā ‘‘kimaṃsisū‘‘ti. Saṃketatthā.

Of these, two forms each occur from a noun, being present in the meanings of one (singular) and many (plural); e.g., muni, munayo; muniṃ, munayo; muninā, munīhi; munissa, munīnaṃ; munismā, munīhi; munissa, munīnaṃ; munismiṃ, munīsu. Similarly, kumārī, kumāriyo; kaññā, kaññāyo. These seven pairs are the seven inflections. Having defined 'division is inflection,' here, according to the rule 'kimaṃsisū,' certain letters are for conventional purposes.

Kamme dutiyā-.

The second case ending is used for the object.

Karīyati kattukriyāyābhīsambandhīyatīti kammaṃ, tasmiṃ dutiyā vibhatti hoti; kaṭaṃ karoti, odanaṃ pavati, ādiccaṃ passati, odano paccatīti-odanasaddato kammatā nappatīyate, kiṃ carahi? Ākhyātato; kaṭaṃ karoti vipulaṃ dassanīyanti- attheva guṇa yuttassa kammatā; icchite’pi kammattāva dutiyā siddha; gāvuṃ payo dohati, gomantaṃ gāvaṃ yāvati, gavamavarundhati vajaṃ, māṇavakaṃ maggaṃ pucchati, gomantaṃ gāvaṃ bhikkhate, rukkhamava cināti phalāni, sissaṃ dhammaṃ brūte, sissaṃ dhammamanusāsati.

That which is done, that which is connected with the activity of the agent, is called 'kamma' (object); in relation to that, the second case ending occurs. E.g., `kaṭaṃ karoti` (he makes a mat), `odanaṃ pacati` (he cooks rice), `ādiccaṃ passati` (he sees the sun). In `odano paccatīti` (rice is cooked), the state of being an object is not understood from the word 'odana'. From what then? From the verb. In `kaṭaṃ karoti vipulaṃ dassanīyaṃ` (he makes a mat, vast and pleasing), the state of being an object indeed belongs to that which is endowed with a quality. Even when desired, the second case is established due to the state of being an object. E.g., `gāvuṃ payo dohati` (he milks milk from a cow), `gomantaṃ gāvaṃ yācati` (he begs a cow from the cow-owner), `gavaṃ avarundhati vajaṃ` (he confines a cow to a pen), `māṇavakaṃ maggaṃ pucchati` (he asks a student the path), `gomantaṃ gāvaṃ bhikkhate` (he begs a cow from the cow-owner), `rukkhaṃ avacināti phalāni` (he picks fruits from a tree), `sissaṃ dhammaṃ brūte` (he tells the Dhamma to a student), `sissaṃ dhammamanusāsati` (he instructs a student in the Dhamma).

Evamanicachite’pi; ahiṃ laṅghayati, vīsaṃ bhakkheti; yanne vicchitaṃ nāpi anicchitaṃ tatthāpi dutīyā siddhā; gāmaṃ gacchanto rukkhamūlamupasappati, pathaviṃ adhisessati, gāmamadhitiṭṭhati, rukkha majjhāsateti-adhisīṭhāsānaṃ payoge’dhikaraṇe kammavacanicchā.

Similarly, even in the case of the undesired; e.g., `ahiṃ laṅghayati` (he jumps over a snake), `vīsaṃ bhakkheti` (he eats poison). For that which is neither desired nor undesired, even there the second case is established; e.g., `gāmaṃ gacchanto rukkhamūlamupasappati` (going to the village, he approaches the foot of a tree), `pathaviṃ adhisessati` (he lies down on the earth), `gāmamadhitiṭṭhati` (he stands in the village), `rukkhaṃ ajjhāsate` (he sits upon the tree). In the usage of verbs with the prefix `adhi` and the roots `sī`, `ṭhā`, and `ās`, there is a desire to use the accusative case in the sense of the locative.

Vatticchāto hi kārakāni honti; taṃ yathā- valāhakā vijjotate, valāhakassa vijjotate, valāhako vijjotate, valāhake vijjotate, valāhakena vijjotateti.

For the case relations (`kāraka`) arise according to the speaker's intention. For example: `valāhakā vijjotate` (from the cloud it flashes), `valāhakassa vijjotate` (for the cloud it flashes), `valāhako vijjotate` (the cloud flashes), `valāhake vijjotate` (in the cloud it flashes), `valāhakena vijjotate` (by the cloud it flashes).

Evamabhinavisassa vā, dhammamabhinivisate dhamme vā, tathā upanvajjhāvasassābhojananavutticanassa; gāmamupavasati, gāma manuvasati, pabbatamadhivasati, gharamāvasati; abhojananivuttivaca nassāti-kiṃ? Gāme upavasati-bhojananivuttiṃ karotīti attho. Tappānācāre’pi kammattāva dutiyā siddhā, nadimpivati, gāmaṃ carati; evaṃ sace maṃ nālapissatīti-ādisupi.

Similarly for `abhinivisate`, one may say `dhammamabhinivisate` (he adheres to the Dhamma) or `dhamme vā` (or `dhamme`). Likewise for the verb `vas` with the prefixes `upa`, `anu`, `adhi`, and `ā`, when it does not mean 'abstaining from food'; e.g., `gāmaṃ upavasati` (he dwells near a village), `gāmaṃ anuvasati` (he dwells along a village), `pabbataṃ adhivasti` (he lives on a mountain), `gharaṃ āvasati` (he dwells in a house). What is meant by 'when it does not mean abstaining from food'? When one says `gāme upavasati`, the meaning is 'he undertakes abstinence from food.' Even in the case of verbs of drinking and wandering, the accusative is established due to object-ness; e.g., `nadiṃ pivati` (he drinks from the river), `gāmaṃ carati` (he wanders through the village). Similarly in such cases as `sace maṃ nālapissati` (if he will not address me), and so on.

Vihitāva paṭiyoge dutiyā, paṭibhantu taṃ cunda bojjhaṅgāti-taṃ paṭi bojjhaṅgā bhāsantūti attho; yadā tu dhātunā yutto pati tadā tenāyogā sambandhe chaṭṭhī ca tassa nappaṭi bhātīti? Akkhe dibbati, akkhehi dibbati, akkhesu dibbatītikammakaraṇādhikaraṇavacanicchā.

The second case is indeed prescribed in connection with `paṭi`. For example, `paṭibhantu taṃ cunda bojjhaṅgā` (May the factors of enlightenment appear to you, Cunda)—the meaning is `taṃ paṭi bojjhaṅgā bhāsantu` (may the factors of enlightenment shine towards you). But when `paṭi` is joined with a verbal root, then, due to its not being an independent particle, is not the sixth case used in the sense of relation, as in `tassa na paṭibhāti` (it does not occur to him)? With the verb `dibbati` (to gamble), one can say `akkhe dibbati` (he gambles with dice, as object), `akkhehi dibbati` (he gambles by means of dice, as instrument), or `akkhesu dibbati` (he gambles at dice, as location)—this reflects the speaker's wish to express object, instrument, or location.

Kāladdhānamaccantasaṃyoge-.

In the case of continuous connection of time and distance—

Kriyāguṇadabbehi sākallena kāladdhānaṃ sambandho accantasaṃyoge, tasmiṃ viññāyamāne kālasaddehi addha saddehi ca dutiyā hoti; māsamadhīte, māsaṃ kalyāṇi. Māsaṃ guḷadhānā, kosamadhīte, kosaṃ kuṭilā nadī, kosaṃ pabbato; accantasaṃyegeti kiṃ? Māsassa dvīhamadhīte; kosasseka dese pabbato; pubbanhasamayaṃ nivāsetvā, ekaṃ samayaṃ bhagavā, imaṃ rattiṃ cattāro mahārājāti; evamādisu kālavācīhi accantasaṃyegattāva dutiyā siddhā, vibhattivipallāsena vā bahulaṃ vidhānā-

Continuous connection (`accantasaṃyoga`) is the complete connection of time and distance with action, quality, or substance. When that is understood, the second case occurs with words denoting time and words denoting distance; e.g., `māsaṃ adhīte` (he studies for a month), `māsaṃ kalyāṇī` (she is beautiful for a month), `māsaṃ guḷadhānā` (sugarcane for a month); `kosaṃ adhīte` (he studies for a league), `kosaṃ kuṭilā nadī` (the river is crooked for a league), `kosaṃ pabbato` (the mountain extends for a league). What is the purpose of specifying 'continuous connection'? [It is to exclude cases like] `māsassa dvīhaṃ adhīte` (he studies for two days of a month) or `kosassekadese pabbato` (the mountain is in one part of a league). In phrases like `pubbanhasamayaṃ nivāsetvā` (having dressed in the forenoon), `ekaṃ samayaṃ bhagavā` (at one time the Blessed One), `imaṃ rattiṃ cattāro mahārājā` (tonight the four great kings), and so on, the second case is established with time-denoting words due to continuous connection, or frequently by the provision of case-inversion.

Phalappattiyaṃ kriyāparisamattyapavaggo tasmiṃ viññāya māne kāladdhānaṃ kriyāyāccantasaṃyoge tatiyābhimatā sāpi karaṇattāva siddhā; māsenānuvāko’dhīto, kosenānuvā ko’dhītoti; anapavaggetu asādhakatamattā karaṇattābhave dutiyāva māsamadhīto’nuvāko, na cānena gahitoti.

Completion of action (`apavagga`) is the attainment of the result. When that is understood, the third case is intended for time and distance in continuous connection with the action; that too is established due to instrumentality. E.g., `māsenānuvāko’dhīto` (the recitation was studied in a month), `kosenānuvāko’dhīto` (the recitation was studied over a league). But where there is no completion, due to not being the most effective means and thus the absence of instrumentality, only the accusative is used: `māsaṃ adhīto anuvāko, na cānena gahito` (the recitation was studied for a month, but not grasped by him).

Kārakamajjhe ye kāladdhānavācino tato sattamīpapañcamiyo abhimatā; ajja bhutvā devadatto dvīhe bhuñjissati dvīhā bhuñjissati, atraṭṭho’yamissāso kose lakkhaṃ vijjhati, kosā lakkhaṃ vijjhatīti-tāpīha sakasakakārakavacanicchāyeva siddhā.

Among the factors of action, from words signifying time and distance, the seventh and fifth cases are intended. For example: Devadatta, having eaten today, will eat in two days (`dvīhe`) or after two days (`dvīhā`). Here the meaning is this: an archer shoots at a target at a league's distance (`kose`) or from a league's distance (`kosā`). Here too, these cases are established simply by the desire to express their own respective factor of action.

Gatibodhāhārasaddatthakammakahajjādīnaṃ payojje-.

In the causative of verbs of motion, understanding, eating, verbs with the meaning of sound, intransitive verbs, and verbs like `bhaj`, etc.—

Gamanatthānaṃ bodhatthānaṃ āhāratthānaṃ saddatthānamakammakānaṃ bhajjādīnañca payojje kattari dutiyā hoti, sāmatthiyā ca payojakavyāpārena kammatāvassa hotīti patīyate; gama yati māṇavakaṃ gāmaṃ, yāpayati māṇavakaṃ gāmaṃ, bodhayati māṇavakaṃ dhammaṃ, vedayati māṇavakaṃ dhammaṃ, bhojayati māṇavakamodanaṃ, āsayati māṇavakamodanaṃ, ajjhāpayati māṇavakaṃ vedaṃ pāṭhayati māṇavakaṃ vedaṃ, āsayati devadattaṃ, sāyayati deva dattaṃ, aññaṃ bhajjāpeti, aññaṃ koṭṭāpeti, añaññaṃ santharāpeti. Etesamevāti kiṃ?Pācayati odanaṃ devadattena yañaññadatto; paye ppoti kiṃ?Gacchati devadatto, yadā carahigamayati devadattaṃ yañña datto, tamaparo payojayati tadā gamayati devadattaṃ yaññadatteneti - bhavitabbaṃ gamayatissāgamanatthattā.

In the causative use of verbs of going, understanding, eating, verbs of sound, intransitive verbs, and verbs like `bhaj`, etc., the second case occurs for the agent. And by the force of this rule, it is understood that through the instigator's activity, the original agent becomes an object. For example: `gamayati māṇavakaṃ gāmaṃ` (he makes the youth go to the village), `yāpayati māṇavakaṃ gāmaṃ` (he causes the youth to go to the village); `bodhayati māṇavakaṃ dhammaṃ` (he makes the youth understand the Dhamma), `vedayati māṇavakaṃ dhammaṃ` (he makes the youth experience the Dhamma); `bhojayati māṇavakamodanaṃ` (he feeds the youth rice), `āsayati māṇavakamodanaṃ` (he causes the youth to eat rice); `ajjhāpayati māṇavakaṃ vedaṃ` (he teaches the youth the Veda), `pāṭhayati māṇavakaṃ vedaṃ` (he makes the youth recite the Veda); `āsayati devadattaṃ` (he causes Devadatta to sit), `sāyayati devadattaṃ` (he makes Devadatta lie down); `aññaṃ bhajjāpeti` (he has another broken), `aññaṃ koṭṭāpeti` (he has another pounded), `aññaṃ santharāpeti` (he has another spread). What is the purpose of specifying 'only these'? [In other cases, the instrumental is used, e.g.,] `Yaññadatto pācayati odanaṃ devadattena` (Yaññadatta has rice cooked by Devadatta). What is the purpose of specifying 'in the causative'? [To distinguish from the simple verb, e.g.,] `Gacchati devadatto` (Devadatta goes). When Yaññadatta causes Devadatta to go, and another person instigates Yaññadatta, then the form is `gamayati devadattaṃ yaññadattena` (he causes Yaññadatta to make Devadatta go), because `gamayati` itself is not a verb of motion.

Harādīnaṃ vā-.

Optionally for verbs like `harati`, etc.—

Harādīnaṃ payojje kattari dutiyā hoti vā; hāreti hāraṃ devadattaṃ devadatteneti vā, ajjhohāreti sattuṃ devadattaṃ devadatteneti vā, kāreti devadattaṃ devadatteneti vā, dassayate janaṃ rājā janeneti vā, abhivādayate guruṃ devadattaṃ devadatteneti vā.

In the causative use of verbs like `harati`, etc., the second case for the agent occurs optionally. For example: `hāreti hāraṃ devadattaṃ` or `devadattena` (he has the garland carried by Devadatta); `ajjhohāreti sattuṃ devadattaṃ` or `devadattena` (he has the barley-meal swallowed by Devadatta); `kāreti devadattaṃ` or `devadattena` (he has it done by Devadatta); `rājā dassayate janaṃ` or `janena` (the king shows the people); `abhivādayate guruṃ devadattaṃ` or `devadattena` (he has the teacher saluted by Devadatta).

Na khādādīnaṃ-.

Not for verbs like `khādati`, etc.—

Khādādīnaṃ payojje kattari dutiyā na hoti; khādayati devadattena, ādayati devadattena, avhāpayati devadattena, saddāyati devadattena, kandayati devadattena, nāyayati devadattena.

In the causative use of verbs like `khādati`, the second case does not occur with the agent; for example, `khādayati devadattena` (he has it eaten by Devadatta), `ādayati devadattena` (he has it taken by Devadatta), `avhāpayati devadattena` (he has someone called by Devadatta), `saddāyati devadattena` (he has a sound made by Devadatta), `kandayati devadattena` (he makes Devadatta weep), `nāyayati devadattena` (he has something led by Devadatta).

Vahissāniyantuke-.()

For `vahati` when there is no controller—

Vāhayati bhāraṃ devadattena; aniyantuketi-kiṃ?Vāhayati gāraṃ balivadde.

He has the load carried by Devadatta. What is the purpose of specifying 'when there is no controller'? [When there is a controller, the accusative is used, e.g.,] `Vāhayati sakaṭaṃ balivadde` (He makes the oxen pull the cart).

Bhakkhissāhiṃsāyaṃ-.()

For `bhakkheti` in the sense of non-harming—

Bhakkhayati modake devadattena; ahiṃsāyanti kiṃ? Bhakkhayati balivadde sassaṃ.

He has sweets eaten by Devadatta. What is the purpose of specifying 'in the sense of non-harming'? [When harm is implied, the accusative is used, e.g.,] `Bhakkhayati balivadde sassaṃ` (He makes the oxen eat the crops).

Dhyādīhi yuttā-.

Connected with `dhi`, etc.—

Dhiādīhi yuttato dutiyā hoti? Dhiratthumaṃ pūtikāyaṃ, antarā ca rājagahaṃ, antarā ca nāḷandaṃ, samādhānamantarena, mucalindamabhito saramiccādi-chaṭṭhiyāpavādo yaṃ.

When connected with `dhi` and so on, the second case occurs. For example: `dhiratthu imaṃ pūtikāyaṃ` (Fie on this foul body!), `antarā ca rājagahaṃ antarā ca nāḷandaṃ` (between Rājagaha and Nāḷanda), `samādhānamantarena` (without concentration), `mucalindaṃ abhito saraṃ` (around the Mucalinda lake), and so on. This is an exception to the sixth case.

Lakkhaṇitthambhutavīcchāsvabhinā-.

With `abhi` in the senses of characteristic, state, and repetition—

Lakkhaṇādisvatthesvahinā yuttamhā dutiyā hoti; rukkha mabhivijjetate vijju, sādhu devadatto mātaramabhi, rukkhaṃ rukkhamabhitiṭṭhati.

When connected with `abhi` in the senses of characteristic, etc., the second case occurs. For example: `rukkhaṃ abhivijjotate vijju` (The lightning flashes towards the tree); `sādhu devadatto mātaramabhi` (Devadatta is good towards his mother); `rukkhaṃ rukkhamabhitiṭṭhati` (He stands by tree after tree).

Patiparīhi bhāge ca-.

And with `pati` and `pari` in the sense of a share—

Patiparīhi yuttamhā lakkhaṇādisu bhāge vatthe dutiyā hoti; rukkhampati vijjotate vijju, sādhu devadatto mātaraṃ pati, rukkhaṃ rukkhaṃ pati tiṭṭhati, yadettha maṃ pati siyā, rukkhaṃ parivijjetate vijju, sādhu devadatto mātaraṃ pari, rukkhaṃ rukkhaṃ pari tiṭṭhati, yadettha maṃ pari siyā.

When connected with 'pati' and 'pari' in the sense of a characteristic, etc., and of a portion, the second case is used. For example: The lightning flashes towards the tree; Devadatta is good towards his mother; he stands by tree after tree; whatever portion would be for me in this matter. The lightning flashes around the tree; Devadatta is good with respect to his mother; he stands around tree after tree; whatever portion would be for me in this matter.

Anunā-.

With 'anu'—

Lakkhaṇādisvatthesvanunā yuttamhā dutiyā hoti; rukkha manuvijjotate vijju, saccakiriyamanupavassi; hetu ca lakkhaṇaṃ bhavati, sādhu devadatto mātaramanu, rukkhaṃ rukkhamanu tiṭṭhati, yadettha maṃ anusiyā.

When connected with 'anu' in the sense of a characteristic, etc., the second case is used. For example: The lightning flashes along the tree; it rained in accordance with the act of truth, for cause is also a characteristic; Devadatta is good after his mother; he stands by tree after tree; whatever portion would be for me in this matter.

Sahatthe-

In the sense of 'with'—

Sahatthe’nunā yuttamhā dutiyā hoti; pabbatamanutiṭṭhati.

When connected with 'anu' in the sense of 'with', the second case is used. For example: he stands along the mountain.

Hīne-

In the sense of inferiority—

Hīnatthe’nunā yuttamhā dutiyā hoti; anusāriputtaṃ paññāvanto.

When connected with 'anu' in the sense of inferiority, the second case is used. For example: The wise are inferior to Sāriputta.

Paññavanto-ma.

The wise ones.

Upena-.

With 'upa'—

Hinatthe upena yuttamhā dutiyā hoti; upasāriputta paññāvanto.

When connected with 'upa' in the sense of inferiority, the second case is used. For example: The wise are inferior to Sāriputta.

Sattamyādhikye-.

In the sense of excess, the seventh case—

Ādhikyatthe upena yuttamhā sattamī hoti; upakhārayaṃ doṇo.

When connected with 'upa' in the sense of excess, the seventh case is used. For example: A doṇa is in excess of a khārī.

Sāmitte’dhinā-.

With 'adhi' in the sense of lordship—

Sāmibhāvatthe’dhinā yuttamhā sattamī hoti; adhibrahmadatte pañcālā, adhipañcālesu brahmadatto.

When connected with 'adhi' in the sense of lordship, the seventh case is used. For example: The Pañcālas are under Brahmadatta; Brahmadatta is lord over the Pañcālas.

Kattukaraṇesu tatiyā-.

The third case for the agent and instrument—

Kattari karaṇa cैa kārake tatiyā hoti; purisena kataṃ, asinā chindati, pakatiyābhirūpo, gottena gotamo’sumedho nāma nāmena, jātiyā sattavassikoti-bhūdhātussa sambhavā karaṇe eva tatiyā; evaṃ samena dhāvati, visamena dhāvati, dvidoṇena dhaññaṃ kiṇāti, pañcakena pasavo kiṇātīti.

The third case occurs for the agent and the instrument as a factor of action. For example: done by a man; he cuts with a sword; handsome by nature; Gotama by clan, Asumedha by name, seven years old by birth—in these, because of the connection with the root 'bhū' (to be), the third case is indeed in the sense of instrument. Similarly: he runs evenly, he runs unevenly; he buys grain with two doṇas, he buys cattle with five.

Sahatthena-

In the sense of 'with'—

Sahatthena yoge tatiyā siyā; puttena sahāgato, puttena saddhiṃ āgato? Tatiyāpi chaṭṭhīva appadhāne eva bhavati.

When used in the sense of 'with', the third case may occur. For example: he came with his son; he came together with his son. The third case, like the sixth, occurs only with respect to the subordinate element.

Lakkhaṇe-.

In the sense of a characteristic—

Lakkhaṇe vattamānato tatiyā siyā; tidaṇḍakena paribbājakamaddakkhi, akkhinā kāṇo, tena hi aṅgena aṅgino vikāro lakkhīyate.

The third case may occur with that which indicates a characteristic. For example: he saw the wandering ascetic by his three staffs; blind in one eye. Indeed, by that limb, the deformity of the possessor of the limb is characterized.

Hetumhi-.

In the sense of cause—

Takkiriyāyogge tatiyā siyā; annena vasati, vijjāya yaso.

In the sense of cause, the third case may be used. For example: he lives by means of food; fame by knowledge.

Pañcamīṇe vā-.

Or the fifth case in the sense of cause or debt—

Iṇe hetumhī pañcamī hoti vā;jaḷattā baddho satena vā.

In the sense of cause or debt, the fifth case is used optionally. For example: bound from dullness, or by a hundred.

Guṇe-

In the sense of a quality—

Parāṅgabhute hetumhi pañcamī hoti vā; jaḷattā baddho jaḷattena vā, paññāya mutto, hutvā abhāvato’niccā, saṅkhāra nirodhā viññāṇanirodho.

The fifth case is used optionally for a cause that is a quality of another. For example: bound from dullness (ablative) or by dullness (instrumental); freed by wisdom; impermanent because of non-existence after having existed; from the cessation of formations, there is the cessation of consciousness.

Chaṭṭhī hetvatthehi-.

The sixth case with words of causal meaning—

Hetvatthavacīhi yege hetumhi chaṭhī siyayā; udarassa hetu, udarassa kāraṇā.

The sixth case may occur for a cause when connected with words expressing causal meaning. For example: for the sake of the belly, for the reason of the belly.

Sabbādito sabbā-.

From 'sabba' and so on, all cases—

Hetvatthehi yoge sabbādīhi sabbā vibhattiyo honti; ko hetu, kaṃ hetuṃ, kena hetunā, tassa hetussa, kasmā hetusmā, kassa hetussa, kasmiṃ hetusmiṃ; kiṃ kāraṇaṃ, kena kāraṇena; kiṃ nimittaṃ, kena nimittena; kiṃ payojanaṃ, kena payojaneneccevamādi –hetvatthehītveva-kena kataṃ.

When connected with words expressing causal meaning, all cases occur with 'sabba' and so on. For example: what cause? (nominative), what cause? (accusative), by what cause? (instrumental), of that cause (genitive), from what cause? (ablative), of what cause? (genitive), in what cause? (locative); what reason?, by what reason?; what sign?, by what sign?; what purpose?, by what purpose?, and so on. This is only with words of causal meaning; for instance, 'by what was it done?'

Catutthi sampadāne-.

The fourth case (dative) in the sense of recipient—

Yassa sammā padīyate tasmiṃ catutthi siyā; saṅghassa dadāti, ādhāravicakkhāyaṃ sattamīpi siyā, saṅghe dehi.

When something is rightly given to someone, the fourth case (dative) may be used for that person. For example: he gives to the Sangha. In the sense of a receptacle, the seventh case (locative) may also be used. For example: give in the Sangha.

Tādatthye-.

In the sense of purpose—

Tassedaṃ tadatthaṃ tadatthabhāve jotanīye nāmasmā catutthī siyā; sītassa paṭighātāya, atthāya hitāya devamanussānaṃ, nālaṃ dārabharaṇāya, yūpāya dāru, pākāya vajatītvevamādi.

When 'this is for that' (tadattha), or the state of being for that purpose, is to be indicated, the fourth case (dative) may be used with a noun. For example: for warding off cold; for the welfare and benefit of gods and humans; not sufficient for supporting a wife; wood for a sacrificial post; he goes for the purpose of cooking, and so on.

Kassa sāduṃ na ruccati, mā āyasmantānampi saṅghabhedo ruccattha, khamati saṅghassa, bhattamassa nacchādetīti-chaṭṭhī sambandha vacanicchāyaṃ; na cevaṃ virodho siyā sadisarūpattā evaṃ vidhesu ca sambandhassa saddikānumatattā kassa vā tvaṃ dhammaṃ rocesīti-atthamatte paṭhamā.

To whom is the taste not pleasing? May schism in the Sangha not be pleasing even to the venerable ones; it is acceptable to the Sangha; the meal does not satisfy him—the sixth case (genitive) is used in the desire to express relation. And there would be no contradiction thus, because of the similarity of form, and because relation is approved by grammarians in such cases. Or, 'Whose Dhamma do you approve?'—the first case (nominative) is used in the mere sense of the meaning.

Evamaññāpi viññeyyā parato’pi yathāgamaṃ.

Thus other instances should also be understood from what follows, according to tradition.

Rañño sataṃ dhāreti, rañño chattaṃ dhāretīti sambandhe chaṭṭhī; evaṃ rañño silāghate, rañño hanute, rañño upa tiṭṭhate, rañño sapate, devāpi tassa pihayanti tādino, tassa kujjha mahāvīra, yaditaṃ tassa pakuppeyyaṃ, dubhayati disānaṃ megho, yo mittānaṃ na dūhatī,[ ] yo appaduṭṭhassa narassa dussati, kyāhaṃ ayyānaṃ aparajjhāmi, issayanti samaṇānaṃ titthiyā, dhammena nayamānānaṃ kā usūya, [ ] rañño bhāgyamā rajjhati, rañño bhāgyamikkhate, tena yācito ayācito vā tassa gāvo paṭisuṇāti, gāvo āsuṇāti, bhagavato paccassosuṃ, hotu patigiṇāti, hotvanugiṇāti, ārovayāmi vo, pativedayāmi vo, dhamma te desissāmi, yathā no satthā vyākareyya, alaṃ te idha vāsena, kiṃ te jaṭāhi dummedha, arahati mallo mallassāti –jīvitaṃ tiṇāyapi na maññamanoti tādatthye catutthi; tiṇena yo attho tadatthāyapīti attho;

He owes the king a hundred; he holds an umbrella for the king—the sixth case (genitive) in the sense of relation. Similarly: he praises the king; he conceals from the king; he attends upon the king; he curses the king; even the gods envy such a one; O great hero, be angry with him; if indeed I were to be angry with him; the cloud is hostile to both directions; who does not harm friends; who harms a blameless person; how have I offended the noble ones?; the sectarians envy the ascetics; what envy is there for those who are led by the Dhamma?; one desires the king's fortune; he observes the king's fortune; whether asked or unasked by him, he promises cows to him; he listens to the cows; they replied to the Blessed One; he accepts 'let it be'; he agrees to 'let it be'; I announce to you; I report to you; I will teach you the Dhamma; as our teacher would explain to us; enough of your dwelling here; what use are your matted locks to you, O fool?; a wrestler is a match for a wrestler—'he does not consider life to be worth even grass'—the fourth case (dative) in the sense of purpose; the meaning is: for the purpose which is served by grass.

‘‘Yo ca sitaca uṇhaca tiṇā bhiyyo na namaññati‘‘

And who regards cold and heat as no more than grass.

Tiṇamiva jīvitaṃ maññamānoti-savisayāva vibhattiyo; saggāya gacchatīti-tādatthye catutthi, yo hi saggaṃ gacchati tadatthaṃ tassa gamananti–-kammavavanicchāyaṃ tu dutiyāva - saggaṃ gacchati; āyuṃ bhoto hotu, ciraṃ jīvitaṃ bhaddaṃ kalyāṇaṃ atthaṃ payojanaṃ kusalaṃ anāmayaṃ hitaṃ pathyaṃ sukhaṃ sātaṃ bhoto hotu; sādhu sammuti metassa, puttassāvikareyya guyhamatthaṃ, tassa me sakko pāturahosi, tassa pahiṇeyya, bhikkhūnaṃ dūtaṃ pāhesi, kappati samaṇānaṃ āyogo, ekassa dvinnaṃ tiṇṇaṃ vā pahoti, upamaṃ te karissāmi, añjaliṃ te pagaṇhāmi, tassa phāsu, lokassattho, namo te purisājañña, sotthi tassa, alaṃ mallo mallassa, samattho mallo millassa, tassa hitaṃ tassa sukhaṃ, svāgataṃ te mahārājāti-sabbattha chaṭṭhī sambandhe.

“Considering life like grass”—these are case endings in their proper sense. “He goes for heaven”—this is the dative case for purpose, for whoever goes to heaven, his going is for that purpose; but in the desire to express the object, it is the accusative case—“he goes to heaven.” “May you have long life, sir; may you have long life, auspiciousness, beneficence, benefit, purpose, skill, freedom from illness, welfare, wholesomeness, pleasantness, and comfort, sir”; “good is the agreement for him”; “he should reveal the secret meaning to his son”; “Sakka appeared to me”; “he should send to him”; “he sent a messenger to the monks”; “exertion is fitting for ascetics”; “it suffices for one, two, or three”; “I will make a simile for you”; “I raise my hands in reverence to you”; “ease for him”; “the welfare of the world”; “homage to you, O noble man”; “well-being to him”; “a wrestler is a match for a wrestler”; “a wrestler is capable against a wrestler”; “his welfare, his happiness”; “welcome to you, great king”—in all these, the genitive case is used in the sense of relation.

Evaṃ vidhamaññampevaṃ viññeyayyaṃ yathāgamaṃ.

In this way, other such instances should be understood according to tradition.

Pañcamyavadhismā-.

The fifth case (ablative) from a point of departure—

Padatthāvadhismā pañcamī vibhatti hoti; gāmasmā āgacchati evaṃ corasmā bhāyati, corasmā uttasati, corasmā tāyati corasmā rakkhatīti.

The fifth case ending occurs from a word signifying a point of departure. For example: “he comes from the village.” Similarly: “he fears the thief,” “he is afraid of the thief,” “he protects himself from the thief,” “he guards himself from the thief.”

Savebhāyatha dukkhassa, pamāde bhayadassivā tasanti daṇḍassāti,-chaṭṭhisattamiyo’pi honteva sambandhādhāravavanicchāyaṃ ajjhenā parājeti, paṭipakkhe parājetīti-savīsayāva vibhattiyo; sace kevaṭṭassa parajjissāmīti- chaṭṭhīpi hoti sambandhavavanicchāyaṃ, yavehi gāvo vāreti, pāpā cittaṃ nivāraye, kāke rakkhati taṇḍulāti-savisayeva pañcamī? Cittaṃ rakkhetha medhāvīti-dutiyāva dissati kammatthe; upajjhāyā antaradhāyati, upajjhāyā adhīte; kāmato jāyatī sokoti-savisayeva pañcamī; tatthemichaddhayo’pi honteva savisaye; himacantā pabhavati gaṅgā, pāṇātipātā viramassu khippaṃ, añño devadattā, bhinno devadattāti-samisayeva pañcamī; añño devadattā, bhinno devadattāti-savisayeva pañcami; evaṃ ārā so [ ] āsavakkhayā, itaro devadattā, uddhaṃ pādatalā, adho kesamatthakā, pubbo gāmā, pubbeva sambodhā, tato paraṃ, tato aparena samayena, tatuttarinti, sambandha vacanicchāyaṃ chaṭṭhīpi; purato gāmassa, dakkhiṇato gāmassa, upari pabbatassa, heṭṭhā pāsādassāti;pāsādamāruyha pekkhati, pāsādā pekkhati, āsane upavisitvā pekkhati āsanā pekkhatīti-avadhi vacanicchāyaṃ pañcamī; pucchanakhyānesupi; kuto bhavaṃ, pāṭaliputta smāti; tathā desakālamāne’pi; pāṭaliputtasmā rājagahaṃ satta yojanāni sattasu yojanesūti vā; evamito tiṇṇaṃ māsā namaccayenāti; kicchā laddhantī-guṇe pañcamī; kacchena me adhi gatanti hetumhi karaṇe vā tatiyā; evaṃ thokā mutto, tho kena muttoti, thokaṃ valatīti-kriyāvisesane kammani dutiyā; dūrantikatthayoge’pi savisayeva pañcamīchaṭṭhiyo siyuṃ; dūraṃgāmasmā, antikaṃ gāmasmā, dūraṃ gāmassa, antikaṃ gāmassāti-dūranti katthe hī tu sabbāva savisaye siyuṃ bādhakābhāvā; dūro gāmo, antiko gāmotvevamādi; keci panāhu asattavacanehetehi pāṭipadikatthe dutiyātatiyāpañcamīsattamiyo sattavacanehi tu sabbāva savisayeti; te panaññeheva paṭikkhittā; dūraṃ maggo, antikaṃ maggoti- kriyāvisesanaṃ bhudhātussa gamma mānattā; suddho lobhanīyehi dhammehi, parimutto dukkhasmā, vivicceva kāmehi, gambhīrato ca puthulato ca yojanaṃ, āyāmena yojanaṃ, tatoppabhuti, yato sarāmi attānantī-savisayeva vibhattiyo.

“You should all fear suffering, seeing danger in heedlessness; they tremble at the rod.” Even the sixth and seventh cases occur in the desire to express relation and location. “He is defeated by study,” “he is defeated with respect to the opponent”—these are case endings in their proper sense. If one thinks, “I will be defeated by the fisherman,” the sixth case also occurs in the desire to express relation. “He keeps the cows from the barley,” “one should restrain the mind from evil,” “he guards the rice from crows”—is the fifth case here used in its proper sense? “A wise one should guard the mind”—here the second case appears in the sense of the object. “The preceptor disappears,” “one learns from the preceptor,” “sorrow arises from desire”—here the fifth case is used in its proper sense. In that context, the sixth and other cases also occur in their proper sense. “The Ganges originates from the Himalayas,” “quickly abstain from taking life,” “different from Devadatta,” “separated from Devadatta”—here the fifth case is used in its proper sense. Similarly: “he is far from the destruction of the taints,” “other than Devadatta,” “upward from the sole of the foot,” “downward from the top of the head,” “east of the village,” “before awakening,” “after that,” “after a further time,” “from that point onward”—in the desire to express relation, the sixth case also occurs. “In front of the village,” “to the south of the village,” “above the mountain,” “below the palace.” “Having ascended the palace, one looks,” “one looks from the palace,” “having sat on the seat, one looks,” “one looks from the seat”—here the fifth case is used in the desire to express a limit. In questions and answers also: “From where, sir?” “From Pāṭaliputta.” Similarly in indicating space and time: “From Pāṭaliputta to Rājagaha is seven yojanas,” or “at seven yojanas.” Likewise, “after the passing of three months from now.” “‘Obtained with difficulty’—the fifth case in the sense of quality. ‘By me it was obtained with difficulty’—the third case in the sense of cause or instrument. Similarly, “freed from a little,” “freed by a little.” “He turns a little”—the second case as an adverbial accusative modifying the action. In connection with words meaning distance and proximity, the fifth and sixth cases may also be used in their proper senses: “far from the village,” “near the village,” “far from the village,” “near the village.” Indeed, with words meaning distance and proximity, all cases may occur in their proper senses, as there is no counter-rule: “the village is far,” “the village is near,” and so on. But some say that with these words, when they do not qualify a noun, the second, third, fifth, and seventh cases are used in the sense of the bare stem, but when they do qualify a noun, all cases are used in their proper senses. However, they have been refuted by others. “The path is far,” “the path is near”—here it is an adverbial modification because the verb ‘to be’ is understood. “Pure from things to be coveted,” “liberated from suffering,” “secluded from sensual pleasures,” “a yojana in depth and breadth,” “a yojana in length,” “from that time onward,” “since I remember myself”—here the case endings are used in their proper senses.

Apaparīhi vajjane-.

With ‘apa’ and ‘pari’ in the sense of exclusion—

Vajjane vattamānehi apaparīhi yoge pañcamī hoti; apasālāya āyanti vāṇijā, parisālāya āyanti vāṇijā, sālaṃ vajjetvāti attho; vajjaneti kiṃ? Rukkhaṃ parivijjotate vijju, āpāṭaliputtasmā vassi devoti-mariyādābhividhimhiyeva pañcama, vinā pāṭalaputtena saha veti-viseso; evaṃ yāva pāṭaliputtasma vassi devoti.

In connection with ‘apa’ and ‘pari’ used in the sense of exclusion, the fifth case occurs. For example: “merchants come, avoiding the hall,” “merchants come, avoiding the hall,” the meaning of which is “excluding the hall.” Why the specification ‘in the sense of exclusion’? “Lightning flashes around the tree.” “It rained up to Pāṭaliputta”—here the fifth case is in the sense of a limit (exclusive) or of inclusion. The distinction is whether it is without Pāṭaliputta or with Pāṭaliputta. Similarly, “it rained as far as Pāṭaliputta.”

Paṭinidhipaṭidānesu patinā-.

With ‘pati’ in the sense of substitution and exchange—

Paṭinidhimhi paṭidāne ca vattamānena patinā yoge nāmasmā pañcamī vibhatti hoti; buddhasmā pati sāriputto, ghatamassa telasmā pati dadāti, paṭinidhipaṭidānesūti-kiṃ? Rukkhaṃ pati vippotate.

When ‘pati’ is used in the sense of substitution and exchange, the fifth case ending occurs with the noun. For example: “Sāriputta is a substitute for the Buddha,” “he gives him ghee in exchange for oil.” Why the specification ‘in the sense of substitution and exchange’? “It strikes against the tree.”

Rite dutiyā ca-

With ‘rite’, and also the second case—

Rite saddena yoge nāmasmā dutiyā hoti pañcamī ca rite saddhammaṃ, rite saddhammā.

When associated with the word ‘rite’, the second case occurs from a noun, and also the fifth: “except the true Dhamma” (rite saddhammaṃ), “except the true Dhamma” (rite saddhammā).

Vināññatra tatiyā ca-.

With ‘vinā’ and ‘aññatra’, also the third case.

Vināññatrasaddehi yoge nāmasmā tatiyā ca hoti, dutiyāpañcamiyo ca; vinā vātena, vinā vātaṃ, vinā vātasmā, aññatra ekena piṇḍapātanīhārakena, aññatra dhammaṃ, aññatra dhammā.

When associated with the words ‘vinā’ and ‘aññatra’, the third case occurs from a noun, and also the second and fifth; “without wind” (vinā vātena), “without wind” (vinā vātaṃ), “without wind” (vinā vātasmā); “apart from one alms-gatherer” (aññatra ekena piṇḍapātanīhārakena); “apart from the Dhamma” (aññatra dhammaṃ), “apart from the Dhamma” (aññatra dhammā).

Puthanānāhi-.

With ‘putha’ and ‘nānā’.

Etehi yoge tatiyā hoti pañcamī ca; puthageva janena, puthageva janasmā, janena nānā, jasanmā nānā.

When associated with these, the third case occurs, and also the fifth; “separately from people” (puthageva janena), “separately from people” (puthageva janasmā); “different from people” (janena nānā), “different from people” (janasmā nānā).

Sattamyādhāre-.

The seventh case in the sense of location.

Kriyādhārabhutakattukammānaṃ dhāraṇena yo kriyāyādhāro tasmiṃ kārake nāmasmā sattami hoti; kaṭe nisīdati, thāliyaṃ odanaṃ pacati, ākāse sakuṇā, tilesu telaṃ, gaṅgāyaṃ vajo.

The seventh case occurs from a noun when it is the location for an action, supporting either the agent or the object; “he sits on a mat,” “he cooks rice in a pot,” “birds are in the sky,” “oil is in sesame seeds,” “a herd is in the Ganges.”

Nimitte-.

In the sense of cause.

Nimittatthe sattamī hoti; ajinamhi haññate dīpi, musā vāde pācittiyaṃ.

The seventh case occurs in the sense of cause; “a leopard is killed for its hide,” “for false speech, there is a pācittiya offense.”

Yabbhāvo bhāvalakkhaṇaṃ-.

When one action is the characteristic of another.

Yassa bhāvo bhāvantarassa lakkhaṇaṃ bhavati tato sattamī hoti; gāvīsu duyhamānāsu gato, duddhāsu āgato; bhāvoti kiṃ? Yo jaṭāhi sa bhuñjati; bhāvalakkhaṇanti kiṃ;yo bhujate so devadatto? Akāle vassati tassa, kāle tassa na vassatīti-visayasattamī.

When the action of one thing is the characteristic of another action, the seventh case is used for the former; “he went when the cows were being milked,” “he came when they had been milked.” Why ‘action’? “He who has matted hair eats.” Why ‘characteristic of an action’? “Is Devadatta the one who eats?” “It rains for him at the wrong time, for him it does not rain at the right time”—this is the locative case of sphere.

Chaṭṭhī cānādare-.

And the sixth case in the sense of disregard.

Yassa bhāvo bhāvantarassa lakkhaṇaṃ bhavati tato chaṭṭhī bhavati sattamī cānādare gamyāne.

When the action of one thing is the characteristic of another action, the sixth case is used for the former, and also the seventh, when disregard is implied.

‘‘Ākoṭayanto so neti sivirājassa pekkhato;

Maccu gacchati ādāya pekkhamāne mahājane.

“Striking, he leads him away while King Sivi looks on; Death takes him away while the great multitude looks on.”

Gunnaṃ sāmīti-sambandhe chaṭṭhī, geṃsu sāmīti visayasattamī, evaṃ gunnamissaro gosissaro, gunnaṃ adhipati gosu adhipati, gunnaṃ dāyādo gosu dāyādo gunnaṃ sakkhi gosu sakkhi, gunnaṃ patibhu gosupatibhu, gunnaṃ pasūto gosu pasūto, kusalā naccagītassa kusalā naccagīte, āyutto kaṭakaraṇassa āyutto kaṭakaraṇe, tathādhāravacanicchāyaṃ pattamī; bhikkhusu abhivādenti, muddhani cumbitvā, bāhāsu gahetvā, hatthesu piddhāya caranti, pathesu gacchanti, kadalīsu gaje rakkhantīti; ñāṇasmiṃ pasannotivisayasattamī; ñāṇena pasannoti-karaṇe tatiyā; evaṃ ñāṇasmiṃ ussukko ñāṇena ussukkoti.

“Master of cattle” (gunnaṃ sāmī) is the sixth case in the sense of relation; “master among cattle” (gosu sāmī) is the seventh case in the sense of sphere. Thus: “master of qualities” (gunnaṃ issaro), “master among cattle” (gosu issaro); “lord of qualities” (gunnaṃ adhipati), “lord among cattle” (gosu adhipati); “heir of qualities” (gunnaṃ dāyādo), “heir among cattle” (gosu dāyādo); “witness of qualities” (gunnaṃ sakkhi), “witness among cattle” (gosu sakkhi); “surety for qualities” (gunnaṃ patibhu), “surety among cattle” (gosu patibhu); “descended from qualities” (gunnaṃ pasūto), “intent on cattle” (gosu pasūto). “Skilled in dance and song” (kusalā naccagītassa), “skilled in dance and song” (kusalā naccagīte); “engaged in mat-making” (āyutto kaṭakaraṇassa), “engaged in mat-making” (āyutto kaṭakaraṇe). Similarly, when wishing to express location, the seventh case is used: “they pay homage to the monks,” “having kissed on the head,” “having taken by the arms,” “they walk pressing with their hands,” “they go along the paths,” “they guard the elephants among the plantain trees.” “Pleased with wisdom” (ñāṇasmiṃ pasanno) is the seventh case in the sense of sphere; “pleased by means of wisdom” (ñāṇena pasanno) is the third case in the sense of instrument. Thus: “eager for wisdom” (ñāṇasmiṃ ussukko), “eager by means of wisdom” (ñāṇena ussukko).

Yato niddhāraṇaṃ-.

From which there is specification.

Jātiguṇakriyāhi samudāyatekadesassa puthakkaraṇaṃ niddhāraṇaṃ yato taṃ karīyati tato chaṭṭhīsattamiyo honti; sāliyo sūkadhaññānaṃ pathyatamā sāliyo sūkadhaññesu pathya tamā,kaṇbhā gāvīnaṃ sampannakhīratamā kaṇhā gāvīsu sampanna khīratamā, gacchataṃ dhāvanto sīghatamā gacchantesu dhāvanto sīghatamā –- sīlameva sutā seyyoti-avadhimhiyeva pañcamī.

Specification is the separation of one part from a whole based on genus, quality, or action; from that whole from which this is done, the sixth and seventh cases occur. “Of awned grains, rice is most beneficial,” “among awned grains, rice is most beneficial.” “Of cows, the black one is most abundant in milk,” “among cows, the black one is most abundant in milk.” “Of those walking, the runner is fastest,” “among those walking, the runner is fastest.” In “Virtue alone is better than learning,” the fifth case is used in the sense of a limit.

Paṭhamātthamante -.

The first case in the sense of the mere meaning.

Nāmasmābhidheyyamatte paṭhamāvibhatti hoti; rukkho, itthi, pumā napuṃsakanti-liṅgampi saddotthova, tathā doṇo, khārī āḷahakanti-parimāṇampi saddatthova, eko, dve, bahavoti-saṃkhyyāpi saddatthova.

The first case ending occurs from a noun in the sense of the mere denotation; “tree,” “woman,” “man,” and “neuter”—gender is also just the meaning of the word. Likewise, “doṇa,” “khārī,” and “āḷhaka”—measure is also just the meaning of the word. Similarly, “one,” “two,” and “many”—number is also just the meaning of the word.

Āmantaṇe -.

In the sense of addressing.

Yato saddenābhimukhīkaraṇamāmantaṇaṃ tasmiṃ visaye paṭhamā vibhatti hoti; bho purisa, bho itthi, bho napuṃsaka. Chaṭṭhī sambandhe-.

Addressing is the act of turning someone towards oneself by means of a word; in that sense, the first case ending occurs: “O man,” “O woman,” “O neuter.” The sixth case in the sense of relation.

Kriyākārakasañjāto assedambhāvahetuko sambandho nāma tasmiṃ chaṭṭhīvibhatti hoti; rañño puriso, sarati rajjassāti- sambandhe kṭṭhī, rajajjasambandhiniṃ satiṃ karotīti attho; kammavacanicchāyantu dutiyāva; sarati rajjaṃ, tathā rajakassa vatthaṃ dadāti, paharatopiṭṭhiṃ dadāti pūrati bālo pāpassa,

Relation is that which arises from an action and its factor but is not itself a primary factor; in that sense, the sixth case ending occurs. For example: 'the king's man' (rañño puriso); in 'he remembers the kingdom' (sarati rajjassa), the sixth case is used for relation, the meaning being 'he produces a memory connected with the kingdom'. However, when the intention is to express the object, the second case is used: 'he remembers the kingdom' (sarati rajjaṃ). Likewise: 'he gives cloth to the washerman' (rajakassa vatthaṃ dadāti), 'he gives his back to one who is striking' (paharato piṭṭhiṃ dadāti), 'the fool is full of evil' (pūrati bālo pāpassa).

‘‘Amacce tāta jānāhi dhīre atthassa kovide’’

“Know, dear, the ministers, wise and skilled in purpose.”

Divasassa tijhattuṃ, sakiṃ pakkhassa, pūraṃ hiraññasuvaṇṇassa kumbhiṃ tvevamādi.

“Three times a day,” “once a fortnight,” “a pot full of gold and silver,” and so forth.

Kitakappayoge kattukammesu bahulaṃ sambandhavacanicchāyaṃ chaṭṭhī; sādhu sammato bahujanassa, suppaṭividdhā buddhānaṃ dhammadhātu, dhammassa gutto medhāvī, amataṃ tesaṃ paribhuttaṃ, tassabhavanti vattāro, avisaṃvādako lokassa, alajjīnaṃ nissāya, catunnaṃ mahābhūtānaṃupādāya pasādotvevamādi; kattukamma vacanicchāyantu tatiyādutiyāyova sañcatto pitarā ahaṃ, sarasi tvaṃ evarūpiṃ vācā bhāsitā, bhagavantaṃ dassanāyatthemādi.

In constructions involving participles, the sixth case is frequently used for the agent and object when the intention is to express a relationship; for example, 'well-regarded by many' (sādhu sammato bahujanassa), 'the Dhamma-element thoroughly penetrated by the Buddhas' (suppaṭividdhā buddhānaṃ dhammadhātu), 'the wise one, a guardian of the Dhamma' (dhammassa gutto medhāvī), 'the deathless is partaken of by them' (amataṃ tesaṃ paribhuttaṃ), 'they are speakers of that' (tassa bhavanti vattāro), 'not deceiving the world' (avisaṃvādako lokassa), 'relying on the shameless' (alajjīnaṃ nissāya), 'clarity derived from the four great elements' (catunnaṃ mahābhūtānaṃ upādāya pasādo), and so on. But when the intention is to express the agent or object directly, the third and second cases are used; for example, 'I was admonished by my father' (sañcatto pitarā ahaṃ), 'Do you remember such a word having been spoken?' (sarasi tvaṃ evarūpiṃ vācaṃ bhāsitā), 'to see the Blessed One' (bhagavantaṃ dassanāya), and so on.

Tulyatthena vā tatiyā-.

With words meaning 'equal', alternatively the third case.

Tulyatthena yoge chaṭṭhī hoti tatiyā vā; tulyo pitu, tulyo pitarā; sadiso pitu, sadiso pitarā –-iha kathaṃ tatiyayā na hoti; ajjunassa tulā natthi, kesavassupamā nacetinete lyatthā kiṃ carahi; tulyānamopammatthā.

In conjunction with words meaning 'equal', the sixth or third case occurs; for example, 'equal to the father' (tulyo pitu), 'equal to the father' (tulyo pitarā); 'similar to the father' (sadiso pitu), 'similar to the father' (sadiso pitarā). Why does the third case not occur here: 'There is no equal to Arjuna' (ajjunassa tulā natthi), 'a simile for Kesava' (kesavassa upamā)? If these do not have the meaning of 'equal', then what do they mean? They have the meaning of the words 'tulya' (equal) and 'upamā' (simile).

Aato yonaṃ ṭāṭe-.

After 'a', the plural ending 'yo' becomes 'ā' and 'e'.

Akārantato nāmasmā yonaṃ ṭāṭe honti yathākkamaṃ ṭakārā sabbādesatthā; buddhā, buddhe, atoti-kiṃ? Kaññāyo itthiyo, vadhuyo –- idha kasmā na bhavati aggayo, avidhāna sāmatthiyā.

From a noun stem ending in 'a', the plural ending 'yo' becomes 'ā' and 'e' respectively; the letter 'ṭ' indicates a complete substitution. For example: 'buddhā', 'buddhe'. Why 'after a'? To exclude forms like 'maidens' (kaññāyo), 'women' (itthiyo), 'brides' (vadhuyo). Why does this rule not apply in the case of 'aggayo' (from 'aggi')? Because of the power of non-prescription.

Nīnaṃ vā-.

Or, after stems ending in 'ī'.

Kārantato nāmasmā nīnaṃ ṭāṭe vā honti yathākka maṃ; rūpā, rūpe, rūpāni; atottheva-aṭṭhīni.

From a noun stem ending in 'a', for the plural ending `nī`, `ā` and `e` are optional substitutes; for example, `rūpā`, `rūpe`, `rūpāni`. This applies only to stems ending in 'a'; for example, not `aṭṭhīni`.

Smāsminnaṃ-.

Concerning `smā`, `smiṃ`, and `naṃ`.

Akārantato nāmasmā smāsminnaṃ ṭāṭe vā honti yathākkamaṃ; buddhā, buddhasmā, buddhe, buddhasmiṃ; atotveva-aggīsmā aggismiṃ.

From a noun ending in 'a', for `smā` and `smiṃ`, `ā` and `e` are optional substitutes respectively; for example, `buddhā`, `buddhasmā`, `buddhe`, `buddhasmiṃ`. This applies only to stems ending in 'a'; for example, not `aggīsmā`, `aggismiṃ`.

Sassāya catutthiyā-.

For the dative `ssa`, `āya` (is substituted).

Akārantato parassa sassa catutthiyā āyo hoti vā; buddhāya, buddhassa, bhiyyo tādatthyeyevāyamāyo dissate kvavi devaññattha; atotveva-isissa; catutthiyāti-kiṃ? Buddhassa mukhaṃ –- attatthanti atthasaddena samāso; sabbādito’pi smāsmiṃ sānaṃ ṭāṭñāyā honteva. Niruttikārānumatattā buddha vacane sandassanato va-tatredamudāharaṇaṃ?-

After a stem ending in 'a', for the dative ending `ssa`, `āya` is an optional substitute; for example, `buddhāya`, `buddhassa`. Furthermore, this `āya` is sometimes seen in the sense of 'for that purpose' (`tādatthiya`), for example, `devaññattha`. This applies only to stems ending in 'a'; for example, not `isissa`. Why specify 'for the dative'? To exclude the genitive, as in `Buddhassa mukhaṃ` (the Buddha's face). `Attatthaṃ` is a compound with the word `attha`, meaning 'for one's own purpose'. Even after the `sabbādi` group, for the endings `smā`, `smiṃ`, and `sa`, the substitutes `ā`, `e`, and `āya` indeed occur. Since this is approved by the etymologists and seen in the speech of the Buddha, what is the example here?

‘‘Asmā lokā paramhā ca ubhayā dhaṃsate naro‘‘tyāhaṃ mante paratthaddho; yāyeva kho panatthāya āgaccheyyātho; tamevatthaṃ sādhukaṃ manasi kareyyāthoti.

"A person is ruined from this world and from the next, from both." Thus I think, being obstinate. "For whatever purpose you may have come, you should attend carefully to that very purpose."

Ghapatekasmiṃ sādīnaṃ yayā-.

After `ghapa` stems, in the singular, for `sā` etc., `yā` (is the substitute).

Ghapato nādīnamekasmiṃ yayā honti yathākkamaṃ; kaññāya, rattiyā, itthiyā, dhenuyā, vadhuyā; ekasmintikiṃ?Kaññāhi, rattīhi.

After `ghapa` and `nādī` stems, in the singular, `yā` occurs respectively; for example, `kaññāya`, `rattiyā`, `itthiyā`, `dhenuyā`, `vadhuyā`. Why 'in the singular'? To exclude `kaññāhi`, `rattīhi`.

Ssā vā tetimāmūhi-.

Optionally, `ssā` (is substituted) after `ta`, `eta`, `ima`, and `amu`.

Ghapasaññehi tetimāmūhi nādīnamekasmiṃ ssā vā hoti; tassā kataṃ, tassā dīyate, tassā nissaṭaṃ, tassā pariggaho, tassā patiṭṭhitaṃ, tāya vā; evaṃ etissā, etāya, imissā, imāya, amussā, amuyā; etehīti-kiṃ? Sabbāya, nādīnaṃtveva-sā, ghapatotvevatena, ekasmiṃtveca-tāhi, amūhi.

After the `ghapa`-designated pronouns `ta`, `eta`, `ima`, `amu`, and after `nādī` stems, in the singular, `ssā` is an optional substitute; for example, `tassā kataṃ` (done by her), `tassā dīyate` (is given to her), `tassā nissaṭaṃ` (released from her), `tassā pariggaho` (her possession), `tassā patiṭṭhitaṃ` (established in her), or `tāya`. Thus also: `etissā`, `etāya`; `imissā`, `imāya`; `amussā`, `amuyā`. Why specify 'after these'? To exclude `sabbāya`. Why `nādī`? To exclude `sā`. Why `ghapa`? To exclude `tena`. Why 'in the singular'? To exclude `tāhi`, `amūhi`.

Namhi nuka dvādanaṃ sattarasannaṃ-.

In the case of the ending `naṃ`, `nuka` (is the substitute) for the numbers from two to seventeen.

Dvādīnaṃ sattarasannaṃ saṃkhyānaṃ nuka hoti namhi vibhattimhi; dvinnaṃ, catunnaṃ, pañcannaṃ, evaṃ yāva aṭṭhārasannaṃ; ukāro uccāraṇattho, kakāro antāvayavattho, tenanamhi na dīgho.

For the numbers from two up to seventeen, `nuka` occurs for the case ending `naṃ`; for example, `dvinnaṃ`, `catunnaṃ`, `pañcannaṃ`, and so on up to `aṭṭhārasannaṃ`. The `u` is for pronunciation, the `k` indicates an element at the end; therefore, the vowel in `naṃ` is not lengthened.

Bahukatinnaṃ-.

Concerning `bahu` and `kati`.

Namhi bahuno katissa ca sukaka hoti? Bahunnaṃ, katinnaṃ.

For `bahu` and `kati`, `nuka` occurs for the ending `naṃ`; for example, `bahunnaṃ`, `katinnaṃ`.

Ṇṇaṃṇṇannaṃ titojjhā-.

After `ti` and `jha`-designated stems, `ṇṇaṃ` and `ṇṇannaṃ` (are substituted).

Jhasaññā tito naṃvacanassa ṇṇaṃṇṇannaṃ honti; tiṇṇaṃ, tiṇṇannaṃ, jhāti-kiṃ?Tissannaṃ.

After `jha`-designated stems and after `ti`, for the ending `naṃ`, `ṇṇaṃ` and `ṇṇannaṃ` occur; for example, `tiṇṇaṃ`, `tiṇṇannaṃ`. Why `jha`? To exclude `tissannaṃ`.

Ubhinnaṃ-.

Concerning `ubhinnaṃ`.

Ubhā naṃvacanassa innaṃ hoti; ubhinnaṃ.

After `ubha`, for the ending `naṃ`, `innaṃ` occurs; for example, `ubhinnaṃ`.

Suñsassa-.

Elision of `ssa`.

Nāmasmā sassa suña hoti; buddhassa–-dvisakārapāṭhena siddhe lāghavatthamidaṃ.

After a noun, there is elision of `ssa`; for example, `buddhassa`. This rule is for the sake of brevity, as the form is established by reading the ending with two 's's.

Ssaṃssāssāyesvitarekaññetimānami-.

In the cases of `ssaṃ`, `ssā`, and `ssāya`, for `itara`, `eka`, `añña`, `eta`, and `ima`, `i` (is substituted).

Ssamādisvitarādīnami hoti; itarissaṃ, itarissā, ekissaṃ, ekissā, aññassaṃ, aññassā, etissaṃ, etissāya, imissaṃ, imissā, imassāya; esviti-kiṃ? Itarāya, esanti-kiṃ? Sabbassaṃ, sabbassā.

In `ssaṃ` and so forth, for `itara` and so forth, `i` occurs; for example, `itarissaṃ`, `itarissā`, `ekissaṃ`, `ekissā`, `aññassaṃ`, `aññassā`, `etissaṃ`, `etissāya`, `imissaṃ`, `imissā`, `imassāya`. Why 'in these cases'? To exclude `itarāya`. Why 'for these stems'? To exclude `sabbassaṃ`, `sabbassā`.

Tāya vā -.

Optionally for `tā`.

Ssamādisu tassā vā i hoti; tissaṃ, tassaṃ, tissā, tassā, tissāya, tassāya; ssaṃssāssāyesvitveva-tāya.

In `ssaṃ` and so forth, for `tā`, `i` optionally occurs; for example, `tissaṃ`, `tassaṃ`; `tissā`, `tassā`; `tissāya`, `tassāya`. This applies only in the cases of `ssaṃ`, `ssā`, and `ssāya`; otherwise, `tāya`.

Tetimāto yassa ssāya-.

After `ta`, `eta`, and `ima`, for `ssa`, `ssāya` (is substituted).

Tāetāimāto sassassāyo hoti vā; tassāya, tāya, etissāya, etāya, imissāya, imāya.

After `tā`, `etā`, and `imā`, for `ssa`, `ssāya` optionally occurs; for example, `tassāya`, `tāya`; `etissāya`, `etāya`; `imissāya`, `imāya`.

Ratyādīhi ṭo smino-.

After `ratti` and so forth, `ṭo` (is substituted) for `smiṃ`.

Ratyādīhi smino ṭo hoti vā; ratto, rattiyaṃ, ādo, ādismiṃ.

After `ratti` and so forth, for `smiṃ`, `ṭo` optionally occurs; for example, `ratto`, `rattiyaṃ`; `ādo`, `ādismiṃ`.

Suhisubhasso-.

For `ubha`, in the case of the endings `su` and `hi`.

Ubhassa suhisvo hoti; ubhosu, ubhohi.

For `ubha`, the stem-final vowel becomes `o` before the endings `su` and `hi`; for example, `ubhosu`, `ubhohi`.

Ltupitādīnamā simhi-.

For stems ending in the suffix '-tu', and for 'pitu' and so forth, 'ā' is substituted in the `si` ending.

Latuppaccayantānaṃ pitādīnañcā hoti simhi; kattā pitā; pitu mātu bhātu dhītu duhitu jāmātu nattu hotu potu.

For stems ending in the '-tu' suffix and for 'pitu' and so forth, 'ā' occurs in the `si` ending; for example, `kattā` (agent), `pitā` (father). The stems include `pitu`, `mātu`, `bhātu`, `dhītu`, `duhitu`, `jāmātu`, `nattu`, `hotu`, `potu`.

Ge a ca-.

In the `ge` ending, `a` is substituted, and also `ā`.

Latupitādīnaṃ a hoti ge ā ca; bho katta, bho kattā, bho pita, bho pitā.

For stems ending in '-tu', and for 'pitu' and so forth, `a` occurs in the `ge` ending, and also `ā`; for example, `bho katta`, `bho kattā`, `bho pita`, `bho pitā`.

Ayūnaṃ vā dīgho-.

For `a`, `i`, and `u`, there is optional lengthening.

A i u iccesaṃ vā dīgho hoti ge pare tiliṅge; bho purisā, bho purisa, bho aggī, bho aggi, bho bhikkhū, bho bhikkhū.

For these, namely `a`, `i`, and `u`, lengthening optionally occurs when the `ge` ending follows, in the three genders; for example, `bho purisā`, `bho purisa`, `bho aggī`, `bho aggi`, `bho bhikkhū`, `bho bhikkhū`.

Ghabrahmādite-.

After `gha`-stems, and `brahma` and so forth, `e` [is substituted].

Ghato brahmādito ca gasse vā hoti; hoti kaññe, hoti kaññā, bho brahme, bho brahma, bho katte, bho katta,bho ise, bho isi, bho sakhe, bho sakha –- sakhi sakhīti-itthiyaṃ siddhameva; ākatigaṇoyaṃ; evamaññatrāpi.

After a `gha`-stem, and after `brahma` and so forth, `e` is optionally substituted for the `ga` vocative ending; for example, `hoti kaññe`, `hoti kaññā`, `bho brahme`, `bho brahma`, `bho katte`, `bho katta`, `bho ise`, `bho isi`, `bho sakhe`, `bho sakha`. The forms `sakhi` and `sakhī` are indeed established in the feminine. This is an `ākatigaṇa` (an open-ended class of words). Likewise elsewhere.

Nāmmādīhi-.

Not after `amma` and so forth.

Ammādīhi gassena hoti; bhoti ammā; bhoti annā, bhoti ambā.

After `amma` and so forth, `e` is not substituted for the `ga` vocative ending; for example, `bhoti ammā`, `bhoti annā`, `bhoti ambā`.

Rasso vā-.

Optionally, shortening occurs.

Ammādīnaṃ ge rasso hoti vā; bhoti amma, bhoti ammā.

For `amma` and so forth, in the `ge` ending, shortening optionally occurs; for example, `bhoti amma`, `bhoti ammā`.

Gho ssaṃssāssāyaṃtiṃsu-.

For a `gha`-stem, [shortening occurs] in the endings `ssaṃ`, `ssā`, `ssāya`, `ṃ`, and `tiṃ`.

Ssamādisu gho rasso hoti; tassaṃ, tassā, tassāya, taṃ, sabhatiṃ –-esviti-kiṃ? Tāya, sahāya.

In the endings `ssaṃ` and so forth, a `gha`-stem is shortened; for example, `tassaṃ`, `tassā`, `tassāya`, `taṃ`, `sabhatiṃ`. Why state 'in these endings'? To exclude forms like `tāya`, `sahāya`.

Ekavacanayosvaghonaṃ-.

For non-`gha` stems, [shortening occurs] in the singular and in the `yo` and `su` endings.

Ekavacane yosuva ghaokārantavajjitānaṃ nāmānaṃ rassohoti tiliṅge; itthiṃ, itthiyā, itthiyo, vadhuṃ, vadhuyā, vadhuyo; daddhiṃ, daddhinā, daddhino, sayambhuṃ, sayamabhunā, sayamabhuvo –- aghonanti-kiṃ? Kaññāya, kaññāyo; oggahaṇamuttaratthaṃ.

In the singular, and in the `yo` and `su` endings, shortening occurs in the three genders for nouns, with the exception of `gha`-stems and stems ending in `o`; for example, `itthiṃ`, `itthiyā`, `itthiyo`, `vadhuṃ`, `vadhuyā`, `vadhuyo`; `daddhiṃ`, `daddhinā`, `daddhino`, `sayambhuṃ`, `sayambhunā`, `sayambhuvo`. Why state 'non-`gha` and non-`o`'? To exclude forms like `kaññāya`, `kaññāyo`. The inclusion of `o` is for a subsequent rule.

Ge vā-.

Optionally, in the `ge` ending.

Aghonaṃ ge vā rasso hoti tiliṅge?Itthi, itthi, vadhu, vadhu,daddhi, daddhī, sayambhu, sayambhu –- aghonaṃtveva-hoti kaññā, bho go.

For non-`gha` stems, in the `ge` ending, shortening optionally occurs in the three genders; for example, `itthi`, `itthī`, `vadhu`, `vadhū`, `daddhi`, `daddhī`, `sayambhu`, `sayambhū`. This applies only to non-`gha` stems; for example, `hoti kaññā`, `bho go`.

Sismiṃ nānapuṃsakassa-.

For a non-neuter stem, [shortening does] not [occur] in the `si` ending.

Napuṃsakavajjitassa nāmassa sismiṃ rasso na hoti. Itthi, daddhī, vadhū, sayambhu –-sisminti-kiṃ?Itthiṃ, anapuṃsakassāti-kiṃ. Daddhi, kulaṃ.

For a noun, excluding the neuter gender, shortening does not occur in the `si` ending; for example, `itthī`, `daddhī`, `vadhū`, `sayambhū`. Why state 'in `si`'? To exclude forms like `itthiṃ`. Why state 'for non-neuter'? To include forms like `daddhi`, `kulaṃ`.

Gossāgasihinaṃsu gāvagavā-.

For the stem `go`, the substitutes `gāva` and `gava` occur, except in the endings `ga`, `si`, `hi`, and `naṃ`.

Gasihinaṃ cajjitāsu vibhattisu gosaddassa gāvagavā honti; gāvo, gavo, gāvena, gavena, gāvassa, gavassa, gāvasmā, gavasmā, gāve, gave; agasihinaṃsūti-kiṃ? Bho go go tiṭṭhati, gohi, gonaṃ.

In case endings other than `ga`, `si`, `hi`, and `naṃ`, the substitutes `gāva` and `gava` occur for the word `go`; for example, `gāvo`, `gavo`; `gāvena`, `gavena`; `gāvassa`, `gavassa`; `gāvasmā`, `gavasmā`; `gāve`, `gave`. Why state 'except in `ga`, `si`, `hi`, and `naṃ`'? To show forms like `bho go`, `go tiṭṭhati`, `gohi`, `gonaṃ`.

Sumhi vā-.

Optionally, in the `su` ending.

Gossa sumhi gāvagavā honti vā; gāvesu, gavesu, gosu.

For the stem `go`, in the `su` ending, the substitutes `gāva` and `gava` optionally occur; for example, `gāvesu`, `gavesu`, `gosu`.

Gavaṃ sena-.

With the `sa` ending, `gavaṃ` [is the optional substitute].

Gossa se vā gavaṃ hoti saha sena; gavaṃ, gāvassa, gavassa.

For the stem `go`, `gavaṃ` is optionally substituted, including the `sa` ending; for example, `gavaṃ`, `gāvassa`, `gavassa`.

Gunnava naṃnā-.

With the `naṃ` ending, `gunnaṃ` and `gavaṃ` [are optional substitutes].

Naṃvacanena saha gossa gunnaṃ hoti gavañca vā; gunnaṃ, gavaṃ, gonaṃ.

For the stem `go`, together with the `naṃ` ending, `gunnaṃ` and `gavaṃ` are optional substitutes; for example, `gunnaṃ`, `gavaṃ`, `gonaṃ`.

Nāssā-.

For the `nā` ending, `ā` [is substituted].

Goto nāssa ā hoti vā; gāvā, gavā, gāvena, gavena.

After the stem `go`, the `nā` ending optionally becomes `ā`; for example, `gāvā`, `gavā`, `gāvena`, `gavena`.

Gāvumhi-.

Regarding `gāvu` before the `aṃ` ending.

Aṃvacane gossa gāvu vā hoti; gāvuṃ, gāvaṃ, gavaṃ–-gossa goṇādeso na kato saddantarattā.

Before the accusative ending, `gāvu` is an optional substitute for `go`; for example, `gāvuṃ`, `gāvaṃ`, `gavaṃ`. The substitution of `goṇa` for `go` is not made because it is a different word.

Yaṃ pito-.

After a `pi`-designated stem, `yaṃ`.

Pasaññīto aṃvacanassa yaṃ vā hoti; itthiyaṃ, itthiṃ–-pitoti-kiṃ?Daddhiṃ, rattiṃ.

After a `pi`-designated stem, `yaṃ` is an optional substitute for the accusative ending `aṃ`; for example, `itthiyaṃ`, `itthiṃ`. Why specify `pi`-designated? To exclude forms such as `daddhiṃ`, `rattiṃ`.

Naṃ jhīto-.

After a `jhi`-designated stem, `naṃ`.

Jhasaññīto aṃvacanassa naṃ vā hoti; daddhinaṃ, daddhiṃ–- kathaṃ? Buddhaṃ ādiccabandhunanti-yogavibhāgā; jhāti-kiṃ? Itthiṃ, ītoti -kiṃ?Aggiṃ

After a `jhi`-designated stem, `naṃ` is an optional substitute for the accusative ending `aṃ`; for example, `daddhinaṃ`, `daddhiṃ`. How is the usage in `Buddhaṃ ādiccabandhunaṃ` explained? By splitting the rule. Why specify `jhi`-designated? To exclude `itthiṃ`. Why from a stem ending in `ī`? To exclude `aggiṃ`.

Yonaṃ none pume-.

For the ending `yo`, the substitutes are `no` and `ne` in the masculine.

Jhito yonaṃ none vā honti yathākkamaṃ pulliṅge, daddhino, daddhine, daddhī–-jhītotveva aggī; pumeti-kiṃ?Daddhīni, kulāni.

After a `jhi`-designated stem, `no` and `ne` are optional and respective substitutes for the `yo` ending in the masculine gender; for example, `daddhino`, `daddhine`, `daddhī`. The condition 'after a `jhi`-designated stem' is emphatic; hence `aggī`. Why specify 'in the masculine'? To exclude forms such as `daddhīni`, `kulāni`.

No-.

`No` as a substitute.

Jhito yonaṃ no vā hoti pulliṅge; daddhino tiṭṭhanti, daddhino passa, daddhī vā.

After a `jhi`-designated stem, `no` is an optional substitute for the `yo` ending in the masculine gender; for example, `daddhino tiṭṭhanti` (the curds stand), `daddhino passa` (see the curds), or alternatively `daddhī`.

Smino ni-.

For the ending `smiṃ`, the substitute is `ni`.

Jhito smiṃvacanassa ni hoti vā; daddhinī, daddhismiṃ, jhito tveva-aggismiṃ.

After a `jhi`-designated stem, `ni` is an optional substitute for the locative ending `smiṃ`; for example, `daddhinī`, `daddhismiṃ`. The condition 'after a `jhi`-designated stem' is emphatic; hence `aggismiṃ`.

Ambavādīhi-.

From `ambu` and so on.

Ambuādīhi smino ni hoti vā; phalaṃ patati ambuni,’padumaṃ yathā paṃsuni ātape kataṃ’, vātveva-ambumha, paṃsumhi.

After words of the `ambu`-group, `ni` is an optional substitute for the locative ending `smiṃ`. For example: `phalaṃ patati ambuni` (the fruit falls in the water); `padumaṃ yathā paṃsuni ātape kataṃ` (like a lotus in the dust, placed in the sun). The optionality is emphatic; hence also `ambumhā` and `paṃsumhi`.

Kammādito-.

From `kamma` and so on.

Kammādito smino ni hoti vā; kammanī, kamme; kamma camma vesma bhasma brahma atta ātuma ghamma muddha–-kammāditoti-kiṃ? Buddhe.

After words of the `kamma`-group, `ni` is an optional substitute for the locative ending `smiṃ`; for example, `kammanī`, `kamme`. This group includes: `kamma`, `camma`, `vesma`, `bhasma`, `brahma`, `atta`, `ātuma`, `ghamma`, `muddha`. Why specify 'from `kamma` and so on'? To exclude forms such as `Buddhe`.

Nāsseno-.

For `nā`, the substitute is `eno`.

Kammādito nāvavanassa eno vā hoti; kammena, kammanā, cammena, cammanā–-kammāditotveva-buddhena.

After words of the `kamma`-group, `eno` is an optional substitute for the instrumental ending `nā`; for example, `kammena`, `kammanā`; `cammena`, `cammanā`. This applies only to the `kamma`-group; hence `buddhena`.

Jhalā sassa no-.

After `jhala`-stems, for `ssa`, `no`.

Jhalato sassa no vā hoti; aggino, aggissa, daddhino daddhissa, bhikkhuno, bhikkhussa, sayambhuno, sayambhussa–-kathaṃ?’Yo vā sisso mahāmune’ti.

After a `jhala`-designated stem, `no` is an optional substitute for the genitive ending `ssa`; for example, `aggino`, `aggissa`; `daddhino`, `daddhissa`; `bhikkhuno`, `bhikkhussa`; `sayambhuno`, `sayambhussa`. How so? As in `Yo vā sisso mahāmune ti`.

Ito kvavī sassa ṭānubandheti -()

Henceforth, `ssa` sometimes has `ṭa` as an indicatory letter.

Brahmādisu pāṭhā sassa e ṭānubandho.

In the `brahma`-group, according to the textual reading, for `ssa` there is the substitute `e` with `ṭa` as an indicatory letter.

Nā smāssa-.

For `smā`, the substitute is `nā`.

Jhalato smāssa nā hoti vā; aagginā aggismā daddhinā, daddhismā, bhikkhunā, bhikkhusmā, sayambhunā, sayambhusmā.

After a `jhala`-designated stem, `nā` is an optional substitute for the ablative ending `smā`; for example, `agginā`, `aggismā`; `daddhinā`, `daddhismā`; `bhikkhunā`, `bhikkhusmā`; `sayambhunā`, `sayambhusmā`.

Lā yonaṃ vo pume-.

After a `la`-designated stem, for `yo`, `vo` in the masculine.

Lato yonaṃ vo hoti vā palliṅge; bhikkhavo, bhikkhū, sayambhuvo, sayambhu–-pumeti-kiṃ?Āyūni.

After a `la`-designated stem (a stem ending in `u`), `vo` is an optional substitute for the plural ending `yo` in the masculine gender; for example, `bhikkhavo`, `bhikkhū`; `sayambhuvo`, `sayambhu`. Why specify 'in the masculine'? To exclude forms such as `āyūni`.

Janatvādito no ca-.

From `jantu` and so on, also `no`.

Jantvādito yonaṃ no hoti vo ca vā pulliṅge; jantuno, jantavo, jantuyo, gotrabhuno, gotrabhuvo, gotrabhaa, sahabhuno, sahabhuvo, sahabhu.

After words of the `jantu`-group, `no` and also `vo` are optional substitutes for the plural ending `yo` in the masculine gender; for example, `jantuno`, `jantavo`, `jantuyo`; `gotrabhuno`, `gotrabhuvo`, `gotrabhū`; `sahabhuno`, `sahabhuvo`, `sahabhū`.

Kuto-.

After the `ku` suffix.

Kuppaccayantato yonaṃ no vā hoti pulliṅge; viduno, vidū, viññuno, viñña, sabbaññuno, sabbañña.

After words ending in the `ku` suffix, `no` is an optional substitute for the plural ending `yo` in the masculine gender; for example, `viduno`, `vidū`; `viññuno`, `viññū`; `sabbaññuno`, `sabbaññū`.

Lopo’musmā-.

Elision after 'amu'.

Amusaddato yonaṃ lopova hoti pulliṅge; amū pumetveva-amuyo,amūni; vo’pavādā’yaṃ.

After the word 'amu', the plural ending 'yo' is elided in the masculine gender; (e.g.,) 'amū' in the masculine. (In other genders:) 'amuyo', 'amūni'. This is an exception to the substitution of 'vo'.

Na no sassa-.

Not 'no' for 'ssa'.

Amusmā sassa no na hoti; amussa, noti-kiṃ? Amuyā.

After 'amu', the ending 'ssa' does not become 'no'; (e.g.,) 'amussa'. Why the prohibition 'na'? 'Amuyā'.

Yolopanisu dīgho-.

Lengthening upon the elision of 'yo', as in 'ni'.

Yonaṃ lope nisuva dīgho hoti; aṭṭhi, aṭṭhīni; yolopa nisūti-kiṃ? Rattiyo.

When the 'yo' endings are elided, lengthening occurs as in the case of the 'ni' ending; (e.g., the lengthening in) 'aṭṭhīni' from 'aṭṭhi'. Why (the phrase) 'yolopa nisū'? (To exclude cases like) 'Rattiyo'.

Sunaṃhisu-.

Before 'su', 'naṃ', and 'hi'.

Esu nāmassa dīgho hoti; aggīsu, aggīnaṃ, aggīhani.

Before these (endings), the vowel of the noun is lengthened; (e.g.,) 'aggīsu', 'aggīnaṃ', 'aggīhani'.

Pañcādīnaṃ cuddasannama-.

Not for the fourteen (numerals) beginning with 'pañca'.

Pañcādīnaṃ vaddasannaṃ sunaṃhisva hoti; pañcasu, pañcannaṃ, pañcahi, chasu, channa, chahi; evaṃ yāva aṭṭhārasā.

For the numerals from 'pañca' up to 'aṭṭhārasa', (lengthening does not occur) before 'su', 'naṃ', and 'hi'; (e.g.,) 'pañcasu', 'pañcannaṃ', 'pañcahi'; 'chasu', 'channaṃ', 'chahi'. Thus up to eighteen.

Yavādo ntussa-.

After stems such as '-vant', for '-ntu'.

Yavādisu ntussa a hoti; guṇavantā, guṇavantaṃ, guṇavante, guṇavantena, iccādi–-yvādoti-kiṃ? Guṇavā tiṭṭhati. Amussā-ma.

For stems such as '-vant', the suffix '-ntu' becomes '-nta'; (e.g.,) 'guṇavantā', 'guṇavantaṃ', 'guṇavante', 'guṇavantena', etc. Why (the specification) 'yvādi'? (To exclude cases like) 'Guṇavā tiṭṭhati'. Amussā-ma.

Ntassa ca ṭa vaṃse-.

And 'ṭa' for 'nta' in certain contexts.

Aṃsesu ntappaccayayassa ṭa hoti vā ntussa ci;’ yaṃ yaṃ hirāja bhajati sataṃ vā yadi vā asaṃ’’ kiccāni kubbassa kareyya kiccaṃ’’himavaṃca pabbataṃ’,’sujāti manto’pi ajātimassa’ yogavibhāgenāññatrāpi’cakkhumā andhitā honti’’ vaggumudātīriyā pana bhikkhū vaṇṇavā honti.’

In certain cases, 'ṭa' is optionally substituted for the suffix '-nta', and sometimes 'ci' for '-ntu'. (E.g.,) 'yaṃ yaṃ hi rāja bhajati sataṃ vā yadi vā asaṃ'; 'kiccāni kubbassa kareyya kiccaṃ'; 'himavantaṃ ca pabbataṃ'; 'sujātimanto’pi ajātimassa'. By splitting the rule, also elsewhere: 'cakkhumā andhitā honti'; 'vaggumudātīriyā pana bhikkhū vaṇṇavā honti.'

Yosujjhissa pume-.

Before the 'yo' endings, for stems designated 'jha' and for 'i', in the masculine.

Jhasaññassa issa yosu vā ṭa hoti pulliṅge;aggaso aggī–-jhaggahaṇaṃ kiṃ? Ikārantasamudāyassa ṭo mā siyātirattiyo; iggahaṇaṃ kiṃ? Daṇḍino; puveti-kiṃ; aṭṭhi.

For a stem designated 'jha' and for 'i', 'ṭa' is optionally substituted before the 'yo' endings in the masculine; (e.g.,) 'aggaso', 'aggī'. Why the inclusion of 'jha'? So that 'ṭa' is not substituted for the entire 'i'-final stem, (as in) 'tirattiyo'. Why the inclusion of 'i'? (To exclude) 'Daṇḍino'. Why (the word) 'pume'? (To exclude) 'aṭṭhi'.

Vevosu lussa-.

Before 've' and 'vo', for stems designated 'lu'.

Lasaññassa ussa dvevosu ṭa hoti; bhikkhave, bhikkhavo, vevosūti-kiṃ?Cantuyo; uggahaṇaṃ kiṃ; sayambhuvo.

For a stem designated 'la' and for 'u', 'ṭa' is substituted before 've' and 'vo'; (e.g.,) 'bhikkhave', 'bhikkhavo'. Why (the phrase) 'vevosu'? (To exclude) 'Jantuyo'. Why the inclusion of 'u'? (To exclude) 'sayambhuvo'.

Yomhi vā kvavi-.

Before 'yo', optionally and sometimes.

Yomhī kvaci lasaññassa vā ṭa hoti; hetayo,’nandanti taṃ kurayo dassanena ajjeva taṃ kurayo pāpayātu’ vāti-kiṃ hetuyo.

Before 'yo', sometimes for a stem designated 'la', 'ṭa' is optionally substituted; (e.g.,) 'hetayo'. 'nandanti taṃ kurayo dassanena ajjeva taṃ kurayo pāpayātu'. Why (the word) 'vā'? (To allow the form) 'hetuyo'.

Pumālapane vevo-.

In the masculine vocative, 've' and 'vo'.

Lasaññato uto yossālapane vevo honti vā pulliṅge; bhikkhave, bhikkhavo, bhikkhū–-pumeti-kiṃ; āyūni; ālapaneti-kiṃ?Cantuyo tiṭṭhanti; lutātvevै-dhenuyo,sayambhuvo.

After a 'u'-stem designated 'la', the ending 'yo' in the vocative is optionally substituted by 've' and 'vo' in the masculine; (e.g.,) 'bhikkhave', 'bhikkhavo', 'bhikkhū'. Why (the word) 'pume'? (To exclude) 'āyūni'. Why (the word) 'ālapane'? (To exclude a case like) 'Jantuyo tiṭṭhanti'. However, for a stem not designated 'la', (the forms are) 'dhenuyo', 'sayambhuvo'.

Smāhisminnaṃ mhābhimhi-.

For 'smā', 'hi', and 'smiṃ', (the substitutions are) 'mhā', 'bhi', and 'mhi'.

Nāmasmā paresaṃ smāhisminnaṃ mhābhimhi vā honti yathā kkamaṃ; buddhamhā, buddhasmā, buddhehi, buddhamhi, buddhasmiṃ–-bahulādhikārāpavādavīsaye’pi; dasasahassimhi dhātuyā.

After a noun, for the endings 'smā', 'hi', and 'smiṃ', the substitutions 'mhā', 'bhi', and 'mhi' optionally occur in sequence; (e.g.,) 'buddhamhā' (or) 'buddhasmā'; 'buddhehi'; 'buddhamhi' (or) 'buddhasmiṃ'. Also by the authority of general application and in the sphere of exceptions; (e.g.,) 'dasasahassimhi dhātuyā'.

Suhisvasse-.

Before 'su' and 'hi', 'e' for 'a'.

Akārantassa suhisve hoti; buddhesu, buddhehi.

For an 'a'-stem, 'e' is substituted before 'su' and 'hi'; (e.g.,) 'buddhesu', 'buddhehi'.

Sabbādīnaṃ namhi ca-.

For 'sabba' and so on, also before 'naṃ'.

Akārantānaṃ sabbādīnaṃ e hoti namhi suhisuca; sabbesaṃ sabbesu, sabbehi–-sabbādīnanti-kiṃ?Buddhānaṃ; assetveva amūsaṃ.

For 'a'-stems of the 'sabba' group, 'e' is substituted before 'naṃ', 'su', and 'hi'; (e.g.,) 'sabbesaṃ', 'sabbesu', 'sabbehi'. Why (the specification) 'sabbādi'? (To exclude) 'Buddhānaṃ'. However, for the stem 'amu', (the form is) 'amūsaṃ'.

Sabba katara katama ubhaya itara añña aññatara aññatama;

Sabba (all), katara (which of two), katama (which of many), ubhaya (both), itara (other), añña (another), aññatara (a certain one), aññatama (some other).

Pubbaparāparadakkhiṇuttarādharāni vavatthāyamasaññāyaṃ-().

Pubba (former, east), para (other, beyond), apara (latter, west), dakkhiṇa (right, south), uttara (upper, north), and adhara (lower) when used to denote relative position and not as a proper name.

Yatya ta eta ima amu kiṃ eka tumha amha (iccete sabbādayo )

Ya (which), ta (that), eta (this), ima (this), amu (that), kiṃ (what), eka (one), tumha (you), amha (we) — these are the `sabbādi` group.

Saṃsānaṃ-.

Saṃ, sānaṃ.

Sabbādito naṃvacanassa saṃsānaṃ honti; sabbesaṃ, sabbesānaṃ.

After the `sabbādi` group, for the ending `naṃ`, `saṃ` and `sānaṃ` are substituted; for example, `sabbesaṃ`, `sabbesānaṃ`.

Ghapā sassa ssā vā-.

After a `ghapa` noun, `ssa` optionally becomes `ssā`.

Sabbādīnaṃ ghapato sassa ssā vā hoti; sabbassā, sabbāya, paggahaṇamuttaratthaṃ.

For the `sabbādi` group, after a `ghapa` noun, `ssa` optionally becomes `ssā`; for example, `sabbassā`, `sabbāya`. The inclusion is for a subsequent purpose.

Smino ssaṃ-.

For `smiṃ`, `ssaṃ`.

Sabbādīnaṃ ghapato smino ssaṃ vā hoti; sabbassaṃ, sabbāya; amussaṃ, amuyā.

For the `sabbādi` group, after a `ghapa` noun, `smiṃ` optionally becomes `ssaṃ`; for example, `sabbassaṃ`, `sabbāya`; `amussaṃ`, `amuyā`.

Yaṃ-.

Yaṃ.

Ghapato smino yaṃ vā hoti; kaññāyaṃ, daññāya, rattiyaṃ, rattiyā, vadhuyaṃ, vadhuyā, sabbāyaṃ, sabbāya, amuyaṃ, amuyā.

After a `ghapa` noun, `smiṃ` optionally becomes `yaṃ`; for example, `kaññāyaṃ`, `kaññāya`; `rattiyaṃ`, `rattiyā`; `vadhuyaṃ`, `vadhuyā`; `sabbāyaṃ`, `sabbāya`; `amuyaṃ`, `amuyā`.

Tiṃ sabhāparisāya-.

`Tiṃ` for `sabhā` and `parisā`.

Sabhāparisāhi smino tiṃ vā hoti; sabhatiṃ, sahāya, parisatiṃ, parisāya.

After `sabhā` and `parisā`, `smiṃ` optionally becomes `tiṃ`; for example, `sabhatiṃ`, `sabhāya`; `parisatiṃ`, `parisāya`.

Padādīhi si-.

After `pada`, etc., `si`.

Ehi smino si hoti vā, padasi, padasmiṃ, bilasi, bilasmiṃ.

After these (i.e., the `padādi` group), `smiṃ` optionally becomes `si`; for example, `padasi`, `padasmiṃ`; `bilasi`, `bilasmiṃ`.

Nāssa sā-.

For `nā`, `sā`.

Padādīhi nāssa sā hoti vā; padasā, padena, bilasā, bilena.

After the `padādi` group, `nā` optionally becomes `sā`; for example, `padasā`, `padena`; `bilasā`, `bilena`.

Kodhādīhi-.

After `kodha`, etc.

Ehi nāssa sā hoti vā; kodhasā, kodhena, atthasā, atthena.

After these (i.e., the `kodhādi` group), `nā` optionally becomes `sā`; for example, `kodhasā`, `kodhena`; `atthasā`, `atthena`.

Atena-.

Atena.

Akārantato parassa nāvavanassa enādeso hoti; buddhena; atoti-kiṃ?Agginā.

After a stem ending in `a`, for the instrumental ending `nā`, the substitution `ena` occurs; for example, `buddhena`. Why `ato` (after `a`)? To exclude `Agginā`.

Sisso-.

Sisso.

Akārantato nāmasmā sissa o hoti; buddho; ato tveva-aggi.

After a noun ending in `a`, the ending `si` becomes `o`; for example, `buddho`. The specification `ato` (after `a`) is to exclude cases like `aggi`.

Kvace vā-.

`e`, sometimes optionally.

Akārantato nāmasmā sissa e hoti vā kvaci;’vanappa gumbe yathā phussitagge’ apavādavisaye’pi bahulaṃ vidhānā, sukhe, dukkhe–-vāti-kiṃ? Vanappagumbo; kvacīti-kiṃ? Pakkhe sabbattha mā hotu.

After a noun ending in `a`, the ending `si` optionally becomes `e` sometimes; for example, ‘vanappagumbe yathā phussitagge’ (like a forest thicket with blossoming treetops). Due to its wide application, it is also found in the domain of exceptions, for example, `sukhe`, `dukkhe`. Why `vā` (optionally)? To allow for `vanappagumbo`. Why `kvaci` (sometimes)? So that it does not occur everywhere in the case of `pakkha`.

Aṃ napuṃsake-.

`Aṃ` in the neuter.

Akārantato nāmasmā sassa aṃ hoti napuṃsakaliṅge rūpaṃ.

After a noun ending in `a`, the ending `si` becomes `aṃ` in the neuter gender; for example, `rūpaṃ`.

Yonaṃ ni-.

For `yo`, `ni`.

Akārantato nāmasmā yonaṃ ni hoti napuṃsake; sabbāni, rūpāni –-niccavidhāne phalamekaccādisabbādanaṃ paṭhamāya.

After a noun ending in `a`, the plural ending `yo` becomes `ni` in the neuter; for example, `sabbāni`, `rūpāni`. The result of this constant rule is the application to the `ekaccādi` and `sabbādi` groups in the nominative.

Jhalā vā-.

After `jhala`, optionally.

Jhalato yonaṃ ni hoti vā napuṃsake; aṭṭhini, aṭṭhī, āyūni, āyū.

After a `jhala` noun, the plural ending `yo` optionally becomes `ni` in the neuter; for example, `aṭṭhini`, `aṭṭhī`; `āyūni`, `āyū`.

Lopo-.

Elision.

Jhalato yonaṃ lopo hoti; aṭṭhī, āyū, aggī, bhikkhū, jhalātveva-aggayo; pageva kasmā na hoti; antaraṅgattā ākarassa.

After `jhala`, etc., the plural ending `yo` is elided. For example: `aṭṭhī`, `āyū`, `aggī`, `bhikkhū`. However, from the `jhala` class, there is indeed the form `aggayo`. Why does this not always occur? Because of the internality of the letter.

Jantutvīghepehi vā-.

But after `jantu`, words ending in `ī`, and those designated `ghapa`, optionally.

Jantuhetūhi īkārantehi ghapasaññohiva paresaṃ yonaṃ vā lopo hoti; jantu jantuyo, hetu hetuyo, daddhī daddhīyo, kaññā kaññāyo, rattī rattiyo, itthī itthiyo, deṇū deṇuyā, vैdhū vadhuyo.

After `jantu`, `hetu`, words ending in `ī`, and those designated `ghapa`, the elision of the following `yo` occurs optionally. For example: `jantu`, `jantuyo`; `hetu`, `hetuyo`; `daddhī`, `daddhīyo`; `kaññā`, `kaññāyo`; `rattī`, `rattiyo`; `itthī`, `itthiyo`; `dhenu`, `dhenuyo`; `vadhū`, `vadhuyo`.

Yepassivaṇṇassa-.

Of the vowel `i` of a stem designated `pa`, before `ya`.

Pasaññassa ivaṇṇassa lopo hoti vā yakāre; ratyo ratyā ratyaṃ, pokkharañño pokkharañññā pokkharaññaṃ–-vātveva-rattiyo; passāti-kiṃ?Daddhiyo; ivaṇṇassāti-kiṃ? Dhenuyo vadhuyā; kैthaṃ; anuññāto ahaṃ matyāti?’ Ye passā’ti-yogavibhāgā.

Of the vowel `i` of a stem designated `pa`, there is optional elision before the letter `ya`. For example: `ratyo`, `ratyā`, `ratyaṃ`; `pokkharañño`, `pokkharaññā`, `pokkharaññaṃ`. By the word 'optionally' (`vā`), indeed, the form `rattiyo` also exists. Why is `pa` mentioned? To exclude `Daddhiyo`. Why is `ivaṇṇassa` (of the vowel `i`) mentioned? To exclude `Dhenuyo`, `vadhuyā`. How is this applied? For example, in `anuññāto ahaṃ matyāti` (I am permitted by my mother). This is achieved by splitting the rule (`yoga-vibhāga`).

Gasīnaṃ-.

Of `ga` and `sī`.

Nāmasmā gasīnaṃ lopo hoti vijjhantarābhāve; bho purisa, ayaṃ daddhī.

After a noun, `ga` and `sī` are elided when there is no intervening letter. For example: `bho purisa` (O man), `ayaṃ daddhī` (this is curd).

Asaṃkhyehi sabbāsaṃ-.

After non-numerals, of all [case endings].

Avijjamānasaṅkhyehi parāsaṃ sabbāsaṃ vibhattīnaṃ lopohoti;va vā evaevaṃ. Etasmāyeva liṅgā [ ] asaṅkhyehi syāthuppattyanumīyate.

After words with non-existent number, there is elision of all following case endings. For example: `ca`, `vā`, `eva`, `evaṃ`. From this very sign, the arising of case endings such as `si` after non-numerals is inferred.

Ekatthatāyaṃ-.

When there is a unified meaning.

Ekatthībhāve sabbāsaṃ vibhattīnaṃ lopo hoti bahulaṃ; puttīyati, rājapuriso, vāsiṭṭho–- kvavi na hoti bahulaṃ vidhānā; parantapo. Bhagandaro, parassapadaṃ, attanopadaṃ, gavampati, devānampiyatisso, antevāsī, janesuto, mamattaṃ, māmako.

When there is a unified meaning (i.e., in compounding), the elision of all case endings frequently occurs. For example: `puttīyati`, `rājapuriso`, `vāsiṭṭho`. Sometimes it does not occur, because the rule is an irregular one (`bahulaṃ`). For example: `parantapo`, `bhagandaro`, `parassapadaṃ`, `attanopadaṃ`, `gavampati`, `devānampiyatisso`, `antevāsī`, `janesuto`, `mamattaṃ`, `māmako`.

Pubbasmāmādito-.

From the preceding, which is not an indeclinable.

Amādekatthā pubbaṃ yadekatthaṃ tato parāsaṃ sabbāsaṃ vibhattīnaṃ lopo hoti; adhitthī–-idha na hoti bahulaṃ vidhānā, yathāpattiyā, yayathāparisāya; pubbasmāti-kiṃ?Gāmaṃ gato.

Of the preceding word in a compound, provided it is not an indeclinable, and of the following words, there is elision of all case endings. For example: `adhitthī`. Here, due to the irregular nature of the rule, it does not occur in cases like `yathāpattiyā` or `yathāparisāya`. Why is `pubbasmā` (from the preceding) mentioned? To exclude phrases like `Gāmaṃ gato` (gone to the village).

Nātomapañcamiyā-.

Not for an `a`-stem, except in the ablative.

Amādekatthā pubbaṃ yadekatthamakārantaṃ tato parāsaṃ sabbāsaṃ vibhattīnaṃ lopo na hoti astu bhavatyapañcamyā; upakumbhaṃ, apañcamiyāti-kiṃ? Upakumbhā ānaya.

After a compound whose preceding member is not an indeclinable and whose final member is an `a`-stem, the elision of all following case endings does not occur; rather, the ending becomes `am`, except in the ablative. For example: `upakumbhaṃ`. Why is `apañcamiyā` (except in the ablative) mentioned? For cases like `Upakumbhā ānaya` (Bring from near the pot).

Vā taniyāsattaminaṃ-

Optionally, for the instrumental and locative cases.

Amādekatthā pubbaṃ yadekatthamakārantaṃ tato parāsaṃ tatiyāsattaminaṃ vā aṃ hoti; upakumbhena kataṃ, upakumbhaṃ kataṃ, upakumbhe nidhehi, upakumbhaṃ nidhehi.

After a compound whose final member is an `a`-stem, the instrumental and locative case endings are optionally replaced by `aṃ`. For example: `upakumbhena kataṃ` or `upakumbhaṃ kataṃ` (done near the pot); `upakumbhe nidhehi` or `upakumbhaṃ nidhehi` (place near the pot).

Rājassi nāmhi-.

For `rājan`, `i` in the instrumental singular.

Nāmhi rājassi vā hoti; sabbadattena rājinā; vātve varaññā.

In the instrumental singular, `i` optionally replaces the final part of the stem `rājan`. For example: `sabbadattena rājinā` (by King Sabbadatta). By the word 'optionally' (`vā`), indeed, the form `raññā` also exists.

Sunaṃhisū-.

In the locative, genitive, and instrumental plural cases.

Rājassa ū hoti vā sunaṃhisu; rājūsu rājesu, rājūnaṃ raññaṃ, rājūbhi rājebhi.

For the stem `rājan`, `ū` is optionally substituted before the endings `su`, `naṃ`, and `hi`. For example: `rājūsu` or `rājesu` (in/among kings); `rājūnaṃ` or `raññaṃ` (of kings); `rājūbhi` or `rājebhi` (by/with kings).

Imassānitthiyaṃ ṭe-.

For `ima`, in the non-feminine, `ṭe`.

Imasaddassānitthiyaṃ ṭe hoti vā sunaṃhisu; esu imesu, esaṃ imesaṃ, ehi imehi–-anitthiyanti-kiṃ? Imāsu, imāyaṃ, imāhi.

For the word `ima`, in the non-feminine, the stem is optionally replaced by `e` before the endings `su`, `naṃ`, and `hi`. For example: `esu` or `imesu` (in these); `esaṃ` or `imesaṃ` (of these); `ehi` or `imehi` (by/with these). Why is `anitthiyaṃ` (in the non-feminine) mentioned? To exclude: `imāsu`, `imāyaṃ`, `imāhi`.

Nāmbhanimi-.

In the instrumental singular, `an` and `imi`.

Imasaddassānitthiyaṃ nāmhi anैmi iccādesā honti; anena, iminā; anitthiyaṃtveva-imāya.

For the word `ima`, in the non-feminine, in the instrumental singular, `an` and `imi` are the substitutes. For example: `anena`, `iminā` (by/with this). The phrase 'in the non-feminine' is used to exclude `imāya`.

Sīmbhanapuṃsakassāyaṃ-.

In the nominative singular, for the non-neuter, `ayaṃ`.

Imasaddassānapuṃsakassa ayaṃ hoti simhi; ayaṃ puriso, ayaṃ itthī; anapuṃsakassāti-kiṃ?Imaṃ.

For the word `ima`, in the non-neuter, `ayaṃ` occurs in the nominative singular. For example: `ayaṃ puriso` (this man), `ayaṃ itthī` (this woman). Why is `anapuṃsakassa` (for the non-neuter) mentioned? To exclude `imaṃ`.

Tyatetānaṃ tassa so-

For `tya`, `ta`, and `eta`, the `ta` is replaced by `so`.

Tyatetānamanapuṃsakānaṃ tassa so hoti simhi; syo puriso, syā itthi; evaṃ so, sā, eso, esā –-anapuṃsaka ssetvैva-tyaṃ, taṃ, etaṃ.

For the non-neuter forms of `tya`, `ta`, and `eta`, the `ta` is replaced by `so` in the nominative singular. For example: `syo puriso` (that man), `syā itthī` (that woman). Similarly: `so`, `sā`; `eso`, `esā`. The phrase 'in the non-neuter' is used to exclude the neuter forms: `tyaṃ`, `taṃ`, `etaṃ`.

Massāmussa-.

`amussa` for `imassa`.

Anapuṃsakassāmussa makārassa so hoti simhi; asu puriso, asu itthi.

For the letter m of the non-neuter stem amu, so is the substitute when si (nominative singular) follows. Examples: asu puriso (that man), asu itthi (that woman).

Ke vā-.

Ke vā—

Amussa massa ke vā so hoti; asuko amuko, asukā amukā, asukaṃ amukaṃ, asukāni amukāni.

For the m of the stem amu, ke or so is optionally the substitute. Examples: asuko, amuko (such a one, so-and-so); asukā, amukā (such a one, so-and-so, feminine); asukaṃ, amukaṃ (such a thing, so-and-so, neuter); asukāni, amukāni (such things, so-and-so, neuter plural).

Tatassa no sabbāsu-.

For ta, na in all cases—

Tasaddassa tassa no vā hoti sabbāsuvibhattīsu; ne, te, nāyo, tāyo, naṃ, taṃ, nāni, tāni iccādi.

For the word ta, the substitute na optionally occurs for ta in all case endings. Examples: ne, te; nāyo, tāyo; naṃ, taṃ; nāni, tāni, and so forth.

Ṭa sasmāsmiṃssāyayassaṃssāsaṃmbhāmhisavimassa ca-.

The substitute ṭa for ima and ta before certain endings—

Sādisvimassa tatassa ca ṭo vā hoti; assैmassa, asmā, imasmā, asmiṃ imasmiṃ,assāya imissāya, assaṃ imassaṃ, assā imissā, āsaṃ imāsaṃ, amhā imamhā, amhi imamhi; assa tassa, asmā tasmā, asmiṃ tasmiṃ, assāya tassāya, assaṃ tassaṃ, assā tassā, āsaṃ tāsaṃ, amhā tamhā, amhi tamhi. Ssāyādiggahaṇa mādesantare mā hotutī.

For the stems ima and ta before certain endings, the substitute ṭa optionally occurs. Examples: assa/imassa, asmā/imasmā, asmiṃ/imasmiṃ, assāya/imissāya, assaṃ/imassaṃ, assā/imissā, āsaṃ/imāsaṃ, amhā/imamhā, amhi/imamhi; and also: assa/tassa, asmā/tasmā, asmiṃ/tasmiṃ, assāya/tassāya, assaṃ/tassaṃ, assā/tassā, āsaṃ/tāsaṃ, amhā/tamhā, amhi/tamhi. The inclusion of ssāya and so on is to prevent this rule from applying to other substitutes.

Ṭā sissisismā-.

The substitute ṭā for the si and smā endings of isi—

Isismā sissa ṭe vā hoti;’ yonajja vinaye kaṅkhaṃ atthadhammavidū ise’ vātveva-isi.

After the stem isi, for the suffix si, the substitute ṭe optionally occurs. Example: ‘yo’najja vinaye kaṅkhaṃ atthadhammavidū ise’ (‘The seer, knower of the goal and the Dhamma, who today dispels doubt in the discipline’)—or thus, isi.

Dutiyassa yossa-.

For the second yo—

Isismā parassa duyāyossa ṭe vā hoti;’ samaṇe brāhmaṇe vande sampannacaraṇe ise’ vātveva-isayo passa; dutiyassāti-kiṃ?Isayo tiṭṭhanti.

After the stem isi, for the second yo suffix (accusative plural), the substitute ṭe optionally occurs. Example: ‘samaṇe brāhmaṇe vande sampannacaraṇe ise’ (‘I honor ascetics and brahmins, perfected in conduct, the seers’)—or thus, one sees isayo. Why ‘second’? It does not apply to the nominative plural, as in: Isayo tiṭṭhanti (The seers stand).

Ekaccādigato-.

From ekacca and others—

Akārantehi ekaccādīhi yonaṃ ṭe hoti; ekacce tiṭṭhanti, ekacce passa–-atoti-kiṃ? Ekaccāyo; evaṃ esasa paṭhama.

After stems ending in a, such as ekacca and others, for the yo suffixes (nominative and accusative plural), the substitute ṭe occurs. Examples: ekacce tiṭṭhanti (some stand), ekacce passa (see some). Why ‘ending in a’? It does not apply to forms like ekaccāyo. This rule also applies to esa and paṭhama.

Na nissa ṭā-.

Not ṭā for ni—

Ekaccādīhi parassa nissa ṭā na hoti; ekaccāni.

After stems such as ekacca and others, the substitution ṭā does not occur for the suffix ni (neuter plural). Example: ekaccāni (some, neuter).

Sabbādīhi parassa nissa ṭā na hoti; sabbāni.

After stems such as sabba and others, the substitution ṭā does not occur for the suffix ni (neuter plural). Example: sabbāni (all, neuter).

Yeyānameṭa-.

For yo of sabbādi, e—

Akārantehi sabbādīhi yonameṭa hoti; sabbe tiṭṭhanti sabbe passa; atotveva-sabbāyo.

After stems ending in a, such as sabba and others, for the yo suffixes, the substitute e occurs. Examples: sabbe tiṭṭhanti (all stand), sabbe passa (see all). The condition ‘ending in a’ excludes forms like sabbāyo.

Nāññañca nāmappadhānā-.

And not when they are nouns or are non-principal—

Nāmabhutehi appadhānehi ca sabbādīhi yaṃ vuttaṃ yaṃ caññaṃ sabbādikāriyantaṃ na hoti; te sabbā, te piyasabbā, te ati sabbā.

For words of the sabbādi group that have become proper nouns or are non-principal, that which has been stated, and any other grammatical function pertaining to the sabbādi group, does not apply. Examples: te sabbā, te piyasabbā, te atisabbā.

Tatiyatthayoge-.

In connection with the meaning of the third case—

Tatiyatthena yoge sabbādīhi yaṃ vuttaṃ yaṃ caññaṃ sabbādi kāriyantaṃ na hoti; māsenapubbānaṃ māsapubbānaṃ.

In connection with the meaning of the third case, for words of the sabbādi group, that which has been stated, and any other grammatical function pertaining to the sabbādi group, does not apply. Examples: māsenapubbānaṃ, māsapubbānaṃ (of those prior by a month).

Catthasamāse-.

In a copulative (dvanda) compound—

Catthasamāsavisaye sabbādīhi yaṃ vuttaṃ yaṃ caññaṃ sabbādi kāriyantaṃ na hoti; dakkhiṇuttarapubbānaṃ–-samāseti-kiṃ?Amusañca tesañca dehi.

In the context of a copulative (dvanda) compound, for words of the sabbādi group, that which has been stated, and any other grammatical function pertaining to the sabbādi group, does not apply. Example: dakkhiṇuttarapubbānaṃ. Why ‘in a compound’? It does not apply to: Amusañca tesañca dehi (Give to that one and to these).

Veṭa-.

Optionally e—

Catthasamāsavisaye sabbādīhi yasseṭa vutto tassa vā hoti; pubbuttare, pubbuttarā.

In the context of a copulative (dvanda) compound, the substitution e, which was prescribed for the sabbādi group, occurs optionally. Examples: pubbuttare, pubbuttarā.

Pubbādīhi jahi-

From the six beginning with pubba—

Etehi pubbādīhi chahi savisaye eṭa vā hoti?Pubbe pubbā, pare parā, apare aparā,dakkhiṇe dakkhiṇā, uttare uttarā, adhare adharā–-chahīti-kiṃ?Ye.[ ]

For these six stems beginning with pubba, when used independently, the substitute e optionally occurs. Examples: pubbe, pubbā; pare, parā; apare, aparā; dakkhiṇe, dakkhiṇā; uttare, uttarā; adhare, adharā. Why ‘six’? It does not apply to others, such as ye.

Manādīhi smiṃsaṃnāsmānaṃ sisoosāsā-.

From mana and others, for certain endings, substitutes such as si, so, o, sā occur—

Manādīhi samīmādīnaṃ sisoosāsā vā honti yathākkaṃ; manasi manasmiṃ, manaso manassa, mano manaṃ, manasā manena, manasā manasmā–-kathaṃ? Putto jāto avetaso, hitvā yāti sumedhaso; suddhuttaravāsasā, hemakapakpaṇavāsaseti-sakatthe ṇantā.

After stems of the manādi group, for the suffixes smiṃ, ssa, si (nominative), nā, and smā, the substitutes si, so, o, sā, and sā optionally occur, respectively. Examples: manasi/manasmiṃ (in the mind); manaso/manassa (of the mind); mano/manaṃ (the mind); manasā/manena (by the mind); manasā/manasmā (from the mind). How so? ‘Putto jāto avetaso, hitvā yāti sumedhaso; suddhuttaravāsasā, hemakappaṇavāsasā’ti (‘A son is born, free from craving; the very wise one departs, having renounced; with a clean upper garment, with a garment of golden fabric’). The final note refers to stems ending in the suffix ṇa used in its primary sense.

Mana tama tapa teja sira ura vaca oja raja yasa paya

Mind, darkness, heat, splendor, head, chest, speech, nutritive essence, dust, glory, milk.

Saravayayāyavāsacetā jalāsayākkhayalohapaṭamanesu-().

In the words: lake, age, fame, dwelling, mind, reservoir, imperishable, metal, cloth, and mind—

Sato sabbhe-.

Of `sant`, before the `bhi` ending—

Santasaddassa saba bhavati bhakāre; sabbhi.

Of the word `sant`, `sabba` is the substitute before the `bha`-ending; for example: `sabbhi` (by/with the good).

Bhavato vā honto gayonāse-.

Of `bhavant`, `honta` is optionally substituted before `ga`, `yo`, `nā`, and `se`—

Bhavantasaddassa bhontādeso vā hoti gayonāse; bhonta, bhavaṃ, bhonto, bhavanto, bhotā, bhavatā, bhoto, bhavato–-bho iti-āmantaṇe nipāto’kutonu āgacchatha bho tayo janā’evaṃ bhanteti-bhaddeti-saddantarena siddhaṃ;bhaddanta iti-dassa dvibhāvena.

Of the word `bhavant`, the substitute `bhonta` optionally occurs before the `ga`, `yo`, `nā`, and `se` endings. Examples: `bhonta`, `bhavaṃ`, `bhonto`, `bhavanto`, `bhotā`, `bhavatā`, `bhoto`, `bhavato`. `Bho` is a particle of address, as in: 'Sirs, from where do you three people come?' Thus, `bhante` and `bhaddante` are established by means of other words; `bhaddanta` is by the doubling of the `d`.

Sissāggito ni-.

After `aggi`, for the `si` ending, `ni` [is substituted]—

Aggismā sissa ni hoti vā; agginī,aggi.

After `aggi`, `ni` is optionally substituted for `si` (nominative singular); for example: `agginī`, `aggi` (fire).

Ntassaṃ-.

Of `-nta`, `aṃ` [is substituted]—

Simhi ntappaccayassa aṃ hoti vā; gacchaṃ, gacchanto.

In the `si` (nominative singular) ending, `aṃ` is optionally substituted for the `-nta` suffix; for example: `gacchaṃ`, `gacchanto` (going).

Bhuto-.

From the root `bhū`—

Bhudhātuto ntassa aṃ hoti simhi niccaṃ punabbidhānā; bhavaṃ.

From the root `bhū`, `aṃ` is invariably substituted for `-nta` in the `si` ending, due to the restatement of the rule; for example: `bhavaṃ` (being).

Mahantarahattānaṃ ṭā vā-.

Of `mahant` and `arahant`, `ā` is optionally [substituted]—

Simhi mahantārahantānaṃ ntassa ṭā vā hoti; mahā, mahaṃ, arahā, arahaṃ.

In the `si` (nominative singular) ending, `ā` is optionally substituted for the `-nta` of `mahant` and `arahant`; for example: `mahā`, `mahaṃ` (great); `arahā`, `arahaṃ` (arahant).

Ntussa-.

Of `-ntu`—

Simhi ntussaṭā hoti; guṇavā.

In the `si` (nominative singular) ending, `ā` is substituted for `-ntu`; for example: `guṇavā` (virtuous).

Aṃṅaṃ napuṃsake-.

`Aṃ` and `ṅaṃ` in the neuter—

Ntussa aṃṅaṃ honti simhi napuṃsake; guṇavaṃ kulaṃ, guṇañca ntaṃ kulaṃ–-napuṃsaketi kiṃ? Sīlavā bhikkhu.

For `-ntu`, `aṃ` and `ṅaṃ` are substituted in the `si` ending in the neuter gender. Examples: `guṇavaṃ kulaṃ` (a virtuous family), `guṇañca ntaṃ kulaṃ`. Why 'in the neuter'? [To exclude cases like:] `Sīlavā bhikkhu` (a virtuous monk).

Himavato vā o-.

Of `himavant`, `o` is optionally [substituted]—

Himavato simhi ntussa o vā hoti; himavanto, himavā.

Of `himavant`, `o` is optionally substituted for `-ntu` in the `si` ending; for example: `himavanto`, `himavā` (possessing snow, snowy).

Rājādiyuvāditvā -.

From those [stems] beginning with `rāja` and `yuva`—

Rājādīhi yayuvādīhi ca sissa ā hoti; rājā, yayuvā–-rāja brahma sakha atta ātuma.

After those [stems] beginning with `rāja` and `yuva`, `ā` is substituted for `si`; for example: `rājā` (king), `yuvā` (youth). The `rāja` group includes: `rāja`, `brahma`, `sakha`, `atta`, `ātuma`.

Dhammo vāññatthe-().

For `dhamma`, optionally in other meanings—

Daḷhadhammā; (daḷhadhammo) asmā.

`Daḷhadhammā` (one of firm nature); `(daḷhadhammo)` is the alternative form.

Imo bhāve-().

For the suffix `-iman` in the sense of an abstract state (`bhāva`)—

Aṇimā, laghimā–-yuva sā suvā maghava puma vattaha.

`Aṇimā` (minuteness), `laghimā` (lightness). The `yuva` group includes: `yuva`, `sā`, `suvā`, `maghavā`, `puma`, `vattaha`.

Vāmbhānaddha -.

Optionally, in the `mhi` [ending], `āna` [is substituted]—

Rājādīnaṃ yuvādīnaṃ cānaṅi hoti vāmhi; [ ] rājānaṃ, rājaṃ, yuvānaṃ, yuvaṃ.

Of those [stems] beginning with `rāja` and `yuva`, `āna` is optionally substituted in the `mhi` ending; for example: `rājānaṃ`, `rājaṃ`; `yuvānaṃ`, `yuvaṃ`.

Yonamāno-.

For `yo`, `āno` [is substituted]—

Rājādīhi yuvādīhi ca yonamāno vā hoti; rājāno, yuvāno–-vātveva-rājā,rāje, yuvā, yuve.

After those [stems] beginning with `rāja` and `yuva`, `āno` is optionally substituted for `yo`; for example: `rājāno`, `yuvāno`. Alternatively: `rājā`, `rāje`; `yuvā`, `yuve`.

Āyo no ca sakhā-.

For sakha, āyo and no—

Sakhato yonamāyono honti vā āno ca; sakhāyo, sakhino, sakhāno?Vātveva-sakhā, sakhe.

After sakha, for yo, āyo and āno are optionally substituted. Examples: sakhāyo, sakhino, sakhāno. By the word 'optionally', also: sakhā, sakhe.

Ṭe smino-.

For smiṃ, ṭe—

Sakhato smino ṭe hoti; sakhe niccattho’yamārambho.

After sakha, ṭe is substituted for smiṃ (locative singular). Example: sakhe (in a friend). This is an invariable rule.

Nonāsesvi-.

In cases other than nāsa, i—

Sakhassa i hoti nonāsesu; sakhino, sakhinā, sakhissa.

For sakha, i is substituted in the cases other than nāsa. Examples: sakhino (of a friend), sakhinā (by/with a friend), sakhissa (for a friend).

Smānaṃsu vā-.

Before smā, naṃ, and su, optionally—

Sakhassa vā i hotī smānaṃsu; sakhismā, sakhasmā, sakhīnaṃ, sakhānaṃ.

For sakha, i is optionally substituted before smā (ablative singular), naṃ (genitive plural), and su (locative plural). Examples: sakhismā, sakhasmā (from a friend); sakhīnaṃ, sakhānaṃ (of friends).

Yosvaṃhisu cāraṅi-.

Before yo, su, aṃ, and hi, also āraṅi—

Sakhassa vā āraṅi hoti yosvaṃhisusmānaṃsu ca; sakhāro sakhāyo, sakhāresu, sakhesu,sakhāraṃ, sakhaṃ, sakhārehi, sakhehi, sakhārā, sakhārasmā, sakhārānaṃ, sakhānaṃ.

For sakha, āraṅi is optionally substituted before yo (nominative/accusative plural), su (locative plural), aṃ (accusative singular), hi (instrumental plural), smā (ablative singular), and naṃ (genitive plural). Examples: sakhāro, sakhāyo (friends); sakhāresu, sakhesu (in/among friends); sakhāraṃ, sakhaṃ (the friend); sakhārehi, sakhehi (by/with friends); sakhārā, sakhārasmā (from a friend); sakhārānaṃ, sakhānaṃ (of friends).

Latupitādinamase-.

For stems ending in -tu and for pitar, etc., except before sa—

Latuppaccayantānaṃ pitādīnaṃ cāraṅi bhoti sato’ññatra; kattāro, pitaro, kattāraṃ, pitaraṃ, kattārā, pitarā, kattari, pitari–-aseti-kiṃ?Kattuno, pituno.

For stems ending in the suffix -tu and for pitar and so on, āraṅi is substituted, except before sa (genitive singular). Examples: kattāro (doers), pitaro (fathers); kattāraṃ (the doer), pitaraṃ (the father); kattārā (by the doer), pitarā (by the father); kattari (in the doer), pitari (in the father). Why 'except before sa'? [The forms are:] kattuno (of the doer), pituno (of the father).

Namhi vā-.

Before naṃ, optionally—

Namhi latupitādīnamāraṅi vā hoti; kattārānaṃ, kattunaṃ, pitarānaṃ, pitunnaṃ.

Before naṃ (genitive plural), for stems ending in the suffix -tu and for pitar and so on, āraṅi is optionally substituted. Examples: kattārānaṃ, kattunaṃ (of doers); pitarānaṃ, pitunnaṃ (of fathers).

Ā-1

Ā-1

.

.

Namhi latupitādīnamā vā hoti; kattānaṃ, kattūnaṃ, pitānaṃ, pitunnaṃ.

Before naṃ (genitive plural), for stems ending in the suffix -tu and for pitar and so on, ā is optionally substituted. Examples: kattānaṃ, kattūnaṃ (of doers); pitānaṃ, pitunnaṃ (of fathers).

Salopo-.

Elision of sa—

Latupitādīhi sassa lopo vā hoti; kattu, kattuno, sakamandhātu, sakamandhātuno, pitu, pituno.

After stems ending in the suffix -tu and after pitar and so on, the elision of sa (genitive singular) optionally occurs. Examples: kattu, kattuno (of the doer); sakamandhātu, sakamandhātuno; pitu, pituno (of the father).

Suhisvāraṅi-.

Before su and hi, āraṅi—

Suhisu latupitādīnamaraṅi vā hoti; kattāresu, kattusu, pitaresu, pitusu, kattārehi, kattuhi, pitarehi, pituhi.

Before su (locative plural) and hi (instrumental plural), for stems ending in the suffix -tu and for pitar and so on, āraṅi is optionally substituted. Examples: kattāresu, kattusu (in/among doers); pitaresu, pitusu (in/among fathers); kattārehi, kattuhi (by/with doers); pitarehi, pituhi (by/with fathers).

Najjāyosvāma-.

For nadī, before yo and su, āma—

Yosu nadīsaddassa āmi vā hoti; najjāyo, nadiyo.

Before yo (nominative/accusative plural) and su, for the word nadī, āmi is optionally substituted. Examples: najjāyo, nadiyo (rivers).

Ṭi katimhā-.

After kati, ṭi—

Katimhā yonaṃ ṭi hoti; kati tiṭṭhanti, kati passa.

After kati, ṭi is substituted for yo (nominative/accusative plural), and is then elided. Examples: kati tiṭṭhanti (how many stand?), kati passa (see how many).

Ṭa pañcādihi cuddasahi-.

After pañca and so on up to fourteen, ṭa—

Pañcādīhi cuddasahi saṃkhyāhi yonaṃ ṭo hoti; pañca pañca, evaṃ yāva aṭṭhārasā–-pañcādīhīki-kiṃ? Dve tayo cattāro; cuddasabhīti-kiṃ? Dvevīsatiyo.

After the numbers from pañca up to fourteen, ṭo is substituted for yo (nominative/accusative plural), and is then elided. Examples: pañca, pañca; and so on up to eighteen. Why 'starting with pañca'? [It does not apply to:] dve (two), tayo (three), cattāro (four). Why 'up to fourteen'? [It does not apply to:] dvevīsatiyo (twenty-two).

Ubhagohi ṭo-.

After ubha and go, ṭo—

Ubhagohi yonaṃ ṭo hoti; ubho, ubho, gāvo, gāvo–-kathaṃ? Imekarattiṃ ubhayo vasāmāti- ṭomhi yakārāgamo.

After ubha and go, ṭo is substituted for yo (nominative/accusative plural). Examples: ubho, ubho (both); gāvo, gāvo (cows). How so? [As in] 'imekarattiṃ ubhayo vasāma' ('Let us both stay for this one night'). With the substitute ṭo, there is an augment of ya.

Āraṅismā-.

After the substitute āraṅi—

Āraṅādesato paresaṃ yonaṃ ṭo hoti; sakhāro, kattāro, pataro.

After the substitute āraṅi, ṭo is substituted for a following yo (nominative/accusative plural). Examples: sakhāro (friends), kattāro (doers), pitaro (fathers).

Ṭoṭe vā-.

Ṭo and ṭe, optionally—

Āraṅādesamhā yonaṃ ṭoṭe vā honti yathākkamaṃ; sakhāro, sakhāre, sakhāro–-ṭoggahaṇaṃ lāghavatthaṃ.

From the `āraṅa` substitute, `ṭo` and `ṭe` are optionally substituted for `yo` (plural), respectively. Examples: `sakhāro`, `sakhāre`, `sakhāro`. The inclusion of `ṭo` is for the sake of brevity.

Ṭā nāsmānaṃ-.

`Ṭā` for `nā`, `smā`, and `naṃ`.

Āraṅādesamhā nāsmānaṃ ṭā hoti; kattārā, kattārā, kvaci vā hoti bahakulādhikārā; etādisā sakhārasmā

From the `āraṅa` substitute, `ṭā` is substituted for `nā`, `smā`, and `naṃ`; for example, `kattārā`, `kattārā`. Sometimes this is optional due to the `bahulādhikāra` rule; for example, `sakhārasmā`.

Ṭi smino-.

`Ṭi` for `smiṃ`.

Āraṅādesamhā smino ṭi hoti; kattari, pitari.

From the `āraṅa` substitute, `ṭi` is substituted for `smiṃ`; for example, `kattari`, `pitari`.

Divādito-.

From the `divādi` group.

Divādīhi nāmehi smino ṭi hoti; divi, bhuvi–-niccaṃ vakārāgamo.

From nouns of the `divādi` group, `ṭi` is substituted for `smiṃ`; for example, `divi`, `bhuvi`. There is always the insertion of `va`.

Rassāraṅi-.

Shortening of `āraṅa`.

Smimhi āro rasso hoti; kattari, nattari.

When `smiṃ` follows, `ā` becomes short; for example, `kattari`, `nattari`.

Pitādīnamanattvādīnaṃ-.

Of `pitu` and others, excluding `nattu` and others.

Nattvādivajjitānaṃ pitādīnamāro rasso hoti sabbāsu vibhattisu; pitaro, pitaraṃ–-anattvādīnanti kiṃ? Nattāro.

Of the `pitu` group, excluding the `nattu` group, `ā` becomes short in all case endings; for example, `pitaro`, `pitaraṃ`. Why 'excluding the `nattu` group'? For example, `nattāro`.

Yuvādīnaṃ suhisvānaṅi-.

Of the `yuvan` group, when `su` and `hi` follow, `ānaṅ`.

Suhisu yuvādīnaṃ ānaṅi hoti; yayuvānesu, yuvānehi.

When `su` and `hi` follow, `ānaṅ` is substituted for the `yuvan` group; for example, `yuvānesu`, `yuvānehi`.

Nonānesvā-.

When `no`, `nā`, and `ne` follow, `ā` optionally.

Esu yuvādīnamā hoti; yuvāno, yuvānā, yuvāne.

When these [endings] follow, `ā` is substituted for the final `an` of the `yuvan` group; for example, `yuvāno`, `yuvānā`, `yuvāne`.

Smāsminnaṃ nāne-.

For `smā`, `smiṃ`, and `naṃ`, `nā` and `e`.

Yuvādīhiṃ smāsminnaṃ nāne honti yathākkamaṃ; yuvānā, yuvāne.

After the `yuvan` group, `nā` and `e` are substituted for `smā`, `smiṃ`, and `naṃ` respectively; for example, `yuvānā`, `yuvāne`.

Yonaṃ none vā-.

For `yo` (plural), `no` and `ne`, optionally.

Yuvādīhi yonaṃ none vā honti yathākkamiṃ; yuvāno yuvāne–-vāti-kiṃ?Yuve passa;noggahaṇaṃ lāghavatthaṃ.

After the `yuvan` group, `no` and `ne` are optionally substituted for `yo` (plural) respectively; for example, `yuvāno`, `yuvāne`. Why 'optionally'? Observe `yuve`. The inclusion of `no` is for the sake of brevity.

Ito’ññatthe pume-.

From an i-stem, when in the sense of another word, in the masculine.

Aññapadatthe vattamānā ikārantato nāmasmā yonaṃ none vā honti yathākkamaṃ pulliṅge, tomaraṃkusa pāṇino, tomaraṃkusapāṇine, vātveva-tomaraṃkusapāṇayo; aññattheti-kiṃ?Pāṇayo.

From a masculine noun ending in `i` that occurs in the sense of another word, `no` and `ne` are optionally substituted for `yo` (plural) respectively; for example, `tomaraṃkusapāṇino`, `tomaraṃkusapāṇine`. And because it is optional, `tomaraṃkusapāṇayo`. Why 'in the sense of another word'? For example, `pāṇayo`.

Ne smino kvavi-.

`Ne` for `smiṃ`, optionally, sometimes.

Aññapadatthe vattamānā ikārantato nāmasmā smino ne hoti vā kvaci;’ kataññumhi ca posamhi sīlavante ariyavuttine’ vātveva-ariyavuttimhi; pumetveva-ariyayavuttiyā.

From a noun ending in `i` that occurs in the sense of another word, `ne` is substituted for `smiṃ` optionally and sometimes; for example, in the phrase '`kataññumhi ca posamhi sīlavante ariyavuttine`'. And because it is optional, `ariyavuttimhi`. Only in the masculine; [otherwise,] `ariyavuttiyā`.

Pumā-.

From `puman`.

Pumasaddato smino yaṃ vuttaṃ taṃ vā hoti; pumānepume.

From the word `puman`, what was stated for `smiṃ` occurs optionally; for example, `pumāne`, `pume`.

Nāmhi-.

When `nā` follows.

Pumassa nāmhi yaṃ vuttaṃ taṃ vā hoti; pumānā pumena.

For `puman`, when `nā` follows, what was stated occurs optionally; for example, `pumānā`, `pumena`.

Sumhā ca-.

And when `su` and `smā` follow.

Pumassa sumhi yaṃ vuttaṃ taṃ ā ca vā hoti; pumānesu, pumesu, pumāsu.

For `puman`, when `su` follows, what was stated occurs, and `ā` is also optionally substituted; for example, `pumānesu`, `pumesu`, `pumāsu`.

Gassaṃ-.

For `ga`, `aṃ`.

Pumasaddato gassa aṃ vā hoti; bho pumaṃ, bho puma, bho itthipumaṃ, bho itthipuma.

For the word `puma`, `aṃ` is optionally substituted for `ga`; for example, `bho pumaṃ`, `bho puma`, `bho itthipumaṃ`, `bho itthipuma`.

Sāssaṃse cānaṅi-.

For `sā`, `ānaṅi` [is substituted] for `aṃ` and `se`.

Sāsaddassa ānaṅi hoti aṃse ge ca; sānaṃ, sānassa, bho sāna.

For the word `sā`, `ānaṅi` is substituted for `aṃ`, `se`, and `ga`; for example, `sānaṃ`, `sānassa`, `bho sāna`.

Vattahā sanannaṃ nonānaṃ-.

For `vattahā`, `no` and `naṃ` [are substituted] for `sa` and `naṃ`.

Vattahā sanannaṃ nonānaṃ honti yathākkama; vattahā no, vattahānānaṃ.

For `vattahā`, `no` and `naṃ` are respectively substituted for `sa` and `naṃ`; for example, `vattahā no`, `vattahānānaṃ`.

Brahmassu vā-.

For `brahma`, in the case of `su`, optionally.

Brahmassu vā hoti sanaṃsu; brahmuno, brahmassa, brahmūnaṃ brahmānaṃ.

For `brahma`, `u` is optionally substituted for the final vowel before `sa`, `naṃ`, and `su`; for example, `brahmuno`, `brahmassa`, `brahmūnaṃ`, `brahmānaṃ`.

Nāmhi-.

In the case of `nā`.

Brahmassu hoti nāmhi; brahmunā,

For `brahma`, `u` is substituted for the final vowel in the case of `nā`; for example, `brahmunā`.

Pumakammathāmaddhānaṃ vā sasmāsu ca-.

For `puma`, `kamma`, `ṭhāma`, and `addhan`, optionally in the case of `sa`, `smā`, and `su`, and...

Pudīnamu hoti vā sasmāsu nāmhi ca; pumuno, pumassa; pumunā, pumānā, pumunā, pumānā; kammuno, kammassa; kammunā kammasmā; kammunā, kammanā; ṭhāmuno, ṭhāmassa;ṭhāmunā, ṭhāmasmā; ṭhāmunā, ṭhāmena; addhuno, addhassa; addhunā, addhasmā;addhunā, addhanā.

For `puma` and the others, `u` is optionally substituted for the final vowel in the case of `sa`, `smā`, `su`, and `nā`; for example, `pumuno`, `pumassa`; `pumunā`, `pumānā`, `pumunā`, `pumānā`; `kammuno`, `kammassa`; `kammunā`, `kammasmā`; `kammunā`, `kammanā`; `ṭhāmuno`, `ṭhāmassa`; `ṭhāmunā`, `ṭhāmasmā`; `ṭhāmunā`, `ṭhāmena`; `addhuno`, `addhassa`; `addhunā`, `addhasmā`; `addhunā`, `addhanā`.

Yuvā sassano-.

For `yuvā`, for `sa`, `sana`.

Yuvā sassavā ino hoti, yuvino, yuvassa.

For `yuvā`, `ino` is optionally substituted for `sa`; for example, `yuvino`, `yuvassa`.

Nottātumā-.

For `atta` and `ātuma`, `no` [is substituted].

Attātumehi sassa no hoti vā; attano, attassa; ātumano, ātumassa.

After `atta` and `ātuma`, `no` is optionally substituted for `sa`; for example, `attano`, `attassa`; `ātumano`, `ātumassa`.

Suhisu naka-.

In the case of `su` and `hi`, `naka`.

Attaātumānaṃ suhisu vā naka hoti; attanesu, attesu, ātumanesu, ātumesu; attanehi, attehi; ātumanehi, ātumehi–-kathaṃ?Verinesūti-naka iti yogavibhāgā.

For `atta` and `ātuma`, the augment `naka` is optionally inserted before `su` and `hi`; for example, `attanesu`, `attesu`, `ātumanesu`, `ātumesu`; `attanehi`, `attehi`; `ātumanehi`, `ātumehi`. How is this so? As in `verinesu`, the application of `naka` is by division of the rule.

Smāssanā brahmā ca-.

For `smā`, `nā` [is substituted], and for `brahma`...

Brahma attaātumehi ca smāssa nā hoti; brahmunā, attanā, ātumanā.

After `brahma`, `atta`, and `ātuma`, `nā` is also substituted for `smā`; for example, `brahmunā`, `attanā`, `ātumanā`.

Imetānamenāṇvādese dutiyāyaṃ-.

For `ima` and `eta`, `ena` [is substituted] in the second case in anaphoric reference.

Imaetasaddānaṃ kathitānukathanavisaye dutiyāyamenādeso hoti; imaṃ bhikkhuṃ vinayamajjhāpayaatho enaṃ dhammamajjhāpaya, ime bhikkhū vinayamajjhāpaya atho ene dhammamajjhāpaya; evame tassa ca yojanīyaṃ.

For the words `ima` and `eta`, in the context of anaphoric reference, the `ena` substitution occurs in the second case; for example, `imaṃ bhikkhuṃ vinayamajjhāpaya atho enaṃ dhammamajjhāpaya`, `ime bhikkhū vinayamajjhāpaya atho ene dhammamajjhāpaya`. Similarly, it should be applied to `ta`.

Kissa ko sabbāsu-.

For `ki`, `ko` [is substituted] in all cases.

Sabbāsu vibhattisukissako hoti; ko, ke, kā, kāyo, kaṃ, kāni, keneccādi.

In all case endings, `ko` is substituted for `ki`; for example, `ko`, `ke`, `kā`, `kāyo`, `kaṃ`, `kāni`, `kena`, and so forth.

Ki sasmiṃsuvānitthiyaṃ-.

`Ki` [is substituted] in `sa`, `smiṃ`, and `su`, optionally, not in the feminine.

Anitthiyaṃ kissa ki vā hoti sasmiṃsu; kissa, kassa, kismiṃ, kasmiṃ; anitthiyanti-kiṃ? Ko, kaṃ.

Not in the feminine, the stem `ki` optionally remains before `sa`, `smiṃ`, and `su`; for example, `kissa`, `kassa`; `kismiṃ`, `kasmiṃ`. What is meant by 'not in the feminine'? For example, `ko`, `kaṃ`.

Imassidaṃ vā-.

For `ima`, `idaṃ` [is substituted], optionally.

Aṃsisu saha tehiimassidaṃ hoti vā napuṃsake; idaṃ, imaṃ; idaṃ,imaṃ.

In the neuter, `idaṃ` is optionally substituted for `ima` together with the case endings `aṃ` and `si`; for example, `idaṃ`, `imaṃ`; `idaṃ`, `imaṃ`.

Amussāduṃ-.

For `amu`, `aduṃ` [is substituted].

Aṃsisu saha tehi amussa aduṃ hoti vā napuṃsake; aduṃ, amuṃ; aduṃ, amuṃ.

In the neuter, `aduṃ` is optionally substituted for `amu` together with the case endings `aṃ` and `si`; for example, `aduṃ`, `amuṃ`; `aduṃ`, `amuṃ`.

Sumbhāmbhassāsmā-

Regarding `su`, `bhi`, `amha`, and `asmā`.

Ahmassa asmā hoti vā sumhi; bhattīrasmāsu sā tava; vātveva-amhesu.

For `amha`, `asmā` is an optional substitute in `su`; for example, `bhattīrasmāsu sā tava`. And optionally, `amhesu`.

Namhi ticatuntamitthiyaṃ tissacatassā-.

In `naṃ`, for `ti` and `catu` in the feminine, `tissa` and `catassā` are the substitutes.

Namhi ticatunnaṃ tissavatassā hontitthiyaṃ yathākkamaṃ; tissannaṃ, vatassannaṃ; itthiyanti-kiṃ? Tiṇṇaṃ, catunnaṃ.

In `naṃ`, for `ti` and `catu`, `tissa` and `catassā` occur respectively in the feminine; for example, `tissannaṃ`, `catassannaṃ`. What is meant by 'in the feminine'? For example, `tiṇṇaṃ`, `catunnaṃ`.

Tissocatasso yomhi savibhattīnaṃ-. Vibhattisahitānaṃ tivatunnaṃ yomhi tisso catasso hontitthiyaṃ yathākkamaṃ; tisso,catasso

In `yo`, `tisso` and `catasso` are substituted for stems with their case endings. For `ti` and `catu` with their case endings, `tisso` and `catasso` occur respectively in `yo` in the feminine; for example, `tisso`, `catasso`.

Tīṇicattāri napuṃsake-.

`Tīṇi` and `cattāri` in the neuter.

Yomhisavibhattīnaṃ ticatunnaṃ yathākkamaṃtīṇi cattāri honti napuṃsake; tīṇi, cattāri.

In `yo`, for `ti` and `catu` with their case endings, `tīṇi` and `cattāri` occur respectively in the neuter; for example, `tīṇi`, `cattāri`.

Pume tayocattāro-.

`Tayo` and `cattāro` in the masculine.

Yomhi savibhattīnaṃ ticatunnaṃ tayocattāro honti yathākkamaṃ pulliṅge; tayo, cattāro.

In `yo`, for `ti` and `catu` with their case endings, `tayo` and `cattāro` occur respectively in the masculine gender; for example, `tayo`, `cattāro`.

Caturovā catussa-.

For `catu`, `caturo` is an optional substitute in `sa`.

Catusaddassa savibhattissa yombhi caturo vā hoti pulliṅge; caturo janā saṃvidhāya; kathaṃ? Caturo nimittenāddasāsinti liṅgavipallāsā.

For the word `catu` with its case ending, `caturo` optionally occurs in `yo` in the masculine gender; for example, `caturo janā saṃvidhāya`. How so? As in `caturo nimittenāddasāsi`, it is due to a change of gender.

Mayamasmāmhassa-.

`Mayam`, `asmā`, for `amha` in `sa`.

Yeyāsvamhassa savibhattissaasmākaṃmamaṃ honti vā yathākkamaṃ; asmākaṃ, amhākaṃ; mamaṃ, mama.

In `yo` and `ya`, for `amha` with its case ending, `asmākaṃ` and `mamaṃ` occur optionally and respectively; for example, `asmākaṃ`, `amhākaṃ`; `mamaṃ`, `mama`.

Simbhahaṃ-.

In `si`, for `amha`, `ahaṃ` is the substitute.

Simhi amhassa savibhattissa ahaṃ hoti; ahaṃ.

In `si`, `ahaṃ` occurs for `amha` with its case ending; for example, `ahaṃ`.

Tumhassa tuvaṃtvamamhi ca-.

For `tumha`, `tuvaṃ` and `tvaṃ` are the substitutes in `am` and `si`.

Amhī simhi ca tuhmassa savibhattissa tuvaṃtvaṃ honti yathākkamaṃ; tuvaṃ, tvaṃ.

In `am` and `si`, for `tumha` with its case ending, `tuvaṃ` and `tvaṃ` occur respectively; for example, `tuvaṃ`, `tvaṃ`.

Tayātayīnaṃ tvaṃ vā tassa-.

For the `ta` of `tayā` and `tayi`, `tva` is an optional substitute.

Tumhassatayātayīnaṃ takārassatva hoti vā; tvayā, tayā; tvayi, tayi.

For the stem `tumha`, in the forms `tayā` and `tayi`, the letter `t` optionally becomes `tva`; for example, `tvayā`, `tayā`; `tvayi`, `tayi`.

Smāmhi tvamhā-.

In `smā` and `mhi`, `tvamhā` is the substitute for `tumha`.

Smāmhi tumhassa savibhattissa tvamhā hoti vā; pattā nissaṃsayaṃ [ ] tvamhā–-vātveva-tvayā.

In `smā` and `mhi`, `tvamhā` optionally occurs for `tumha` with its case ending; for example, `pattā nissaṃsayaṃ tvamhā`. And optionally, `tvayā`.

Ntantunaṃ nto yomhi paṭhame-.

For `nta` and `ntu` stems, `nto` is the substitute in the first case `yo`.

Paṭhame yomhi ntantunaṃ savibhattinaṃ nto iccādeso vā hoti; gacchanto, gacchantā; guṇavanto, guṇavantā.

In the first case `yo`, for `nta` and `ntu` stems with their case endings, the substitution `nto` optionally occurs; for example, `gacchanto`, `gacchantā`; `guṇavanto`, `guṇavantā`.

Taṃ namhi-.

In `naṃ`, `taṃ` is the substitute.

Namhi ntantunaṃ savibhattinaṃ taṃ vā hoti; gacchataṃ, gacchantānaṃ; guṇavataṃ, guṇavantānaṃ.

In `naṃ`, `taṃ` optionally occurs for `nta` and `ntu` stems with their case endings; for example, `gacchataṃ`, `gacchantānaṃ`; `guṇavataṃ`, `guṇavantānaṃ`.

Totātitā sasmāsmiṃnāsu-.

The substitutes `to`, `tā`, `ti`, and `tā` occur in `sa`, `smā`, `smiṃ`, `nā`, and `su`.

Sādisuntantunaṃ savibhattinaṃ totātitā honti vā yathākkamaṃ; gacchato, gacchantassa; guṇavato, guṇavantassa; gacchatā, gacchantamhā; guṇavatā, guṇavantamhā; gacchati, gacchante;guṇavati, guṇavante; gacchatā, gacchantena; guṇavatā, guṇavantena.

In `sa` and the following endings, for `nta` and `ntu` stems with their case endings, `to`, `tā`, `ti`, and `tā` occur optionally and respectively; for example, `gacchato`, `gacchantassa`; `guṇavato`, `guṇavantassa`; `gacchatā`, `gacchantamhā`; `guṇavatā`, `guṇavantamhā`; `gacchati`, `gacchante`; `guṇavati`, `guṇavante`; `gacchatā`, `gacchantena`; `guṇavatā`, `guṇavantena`.

Ṭaṭāaṃ ge-.

In `ge`, the substitutes are `ṭa`, `ṭā`, and `aṃ`.

Ge pare ntantunaṃ savibhattīnaṃ ṭaṭāaṃ iccādesā honti; bho gaccha, bho gacchā, bhoka gacchaṃ; bho guṇava, bho guṇavā, bho guṇavaṃ.

When `ge` follows, the substitutions `ṭa`, `ṭā`, and `aṃ` occur for `nta` and `ntu` stems with their case endings; for example, `bho gaccha`, `bho gacchā`, `bho gacchaṃ`; `bho guṇava`, `bho guṇavā`, `bho guṇavaṃ`.

Yomhi dvinnaṃ duveñce-.

In `yo`, for `dvi`, `duve` and also `dve` are the substitutes.

Yomhi dvissa savibhattissa duvedve honti paccekaṃ; duve, dve.

In `yo`, for `dvi` with its case ending, `duve` and `dve` occur individually; for example, `duve`, `dve`.

Duvinnaṃ namhi vā-.

`Duvinnaṃ` before `naṃ`, optionally.

Namhi dvissa savibhattissa duvinnaṃ hoti vā; duvinnaṃ, dvinnaṃ.

Before `naṃ`, `duvinnaṃ` is optionally substituted for `dvi` with its case ending; for example, `duvinnaṃ`, `dvinnaṃ`.

Rājassa raññaṃ-.

For `rāja`, `raññaṃ`.

Namhi rājasaddassasavibhattissaraññaṃ hoti vā; raññaṃ, rajānaṃ

Before `naṃ`, `raññaṃ` is optionally substituted for the word `rāja` with its case ending; for example, `raññaṃ`, `rājānaṃ`.

Nāsmāsu raññā-.

The substitution `raññā` before `nā`, `smā`, and `su`.

Nāsmāsu rājassa savibhattissaraññā hoti, raññā kataṃ, raññānissaṭaṃ.

Before `nā`, `smā`, and `su`, `raññā` is substituted for `rāja` with its case ending; for example, `raññā kataṃ`, `raññā nissaṭaṃ`.

Raññoraññassarājino se-.

The substitutions `rañño`, `raññassa`, and `rājino` before `se`.

Se rājassa savibhattissa raññoraññassarājino hontī; rañño, raññassa, rājino.

Before `se`, `rañño`, `raññassa`, and `rājino` are substituted for `rāja` with its case ending; for example, `rañño`, `raññassa`, `rājino`.

Smimhi raññerājini-.

The substitutions `raññe` and `rājini` before `smiṃ`.

Smimhi rājassa savibhattissa raññerājini honti; raññe,rājini.

Before `smiṃ`, `raññe` and `rājini` are substituted for `rāja` with its case ending; for example, `raññe`, `rājini`.

Samāse vā-.

In compounds, optionally.

Samāsavisaye ete ādesā rājassavā honti; kāsiraññā, kāsirājena; kāsiraññā, kāsirājasmā; kāsirañño, kāsirājassa; kāsiraññe, kāsirāje.

In the context of a compound, these substitutions for `rāja` are optional; for example, `kāsiraññā`, `kāsirājena`; `kāsiraññā`, `kāsirājasmā`; `kāsirañño`, `kāsirājassa`; `kāsiraññe`, `kāsirāje`.

Smimhi tumhāmhānaṃtayimayi-.

Before `smiṃ`, for `tumha` and `amha`: `tayi` and `mayi`.

Smimhi tumhaamhasaddānaṃ savibhattīnaṃ tayimayi honti yathākkamaṃ; tayi,mayayi.

Before `smiṃ`, `tayi` and `mayi` are respectively substituted for the words `tumha` and `amha` with their case endings; for example, `tayi`, `mayi`.

Amhi taṃmaṃtavaṃmamaṃ-.

The substitutions `taṃ`, `maṃ`, `tavaṃ`, and `mamaṃ` before `aṃ`.

Amhi tumhaamhasaddānaṃ savibhattīnaṃ taṃmaṃtavaṃmamaṃ honti yathākkamaṃ; taṃ, maṃ, tavaṃ, mamaṃ.

Before `aṃ`, `taṃ`, `maṃ`, `tavaṃ`, and `mamaṃ` are substituted for the words `tumha` and `amha` with their case endings, in respective order; for example, `taṃ`, `maṃ`, `tavaṃ`, `mamaṃ`.

Nāsmāsutayāmayā-.

The substitutions `tayā` and `mayā` before `nā`, `smā`, and `su`.

Nāsmāsu tumhaamhasaddānaṃ savibhattīnaṃ tayāmayā honti yathākkamaṃ; tayā kataṃ, mayā kataṃ; tayā nissaṭaṃ, mayā nissaṭaṃ.

Before `nā`, `smā`, and `su`, `tayā` and `mayā` are respectively substituted for the words `tumha` and `amha` with their case endings; for example, `tayā kataṃ`, `mayā kataṃ`; `tayā nissaṭaṃ`, `mayā nissaṭaṃ`.

Tavamamatuyhaṃmayhaṃ se-.

The substitutions `tava`, `mama`, `tuyhaṃ`, and `mayhaṃ` before `se`.

Setumhaamhasaddānaṃ savibhattīnaṃ tavamamatuyhaṃmayhaṃ honti yathākkamaṃ; tava, tuyhaṃ; mama,mayhaṃ.

Before `se`, `tava`, `mama`, `tuyhaṃ`, and `mayhaṃ` are substituted for the words `tumha` and `amha` with their case endings, in respective order; for example, `tava`, `tuyhaṃ`; `mama`, `mayhaṃ`.

Ṅaṃṅakaṃ namhi-.

The substitutions `ṅaṃ` and `ṅākaṃ` before `naṃ`.

Namhi tumhaamhasaddānaṃ savibhattīnaṃ ṅaṃṅākaṃ honti paccekaṃ; tumhaṃ, tumhākaṃ, amhaṃ, amhākaṃ–-yathāsaṅkhyamatra na vivacchate.

Before `naṃ`, for the words `tumha` and `amha` with their case endings, `ṅaṃ` and `ṅākaṃ` are substituted for each. The forms are `tumhaṃ`, `tumhākaṃ`, `amhaṃ`, `amhākaṃ`. A one-to-one correspondence is not intended here.

Dutiye yomhi vā-.

In the accusative plural `yo`, optionally.

Tumhaamhasaddānaṃ savibhattīnaṃ paccekaṃ ṅaṃṅākaṃ vā honti yomhi dutiye; tumhaṃ’tumhākaṃ, tumhe; amhaṃ,amhākaṃ,amhe.

Before the accusative plural ending `yo`, for the words `tumha` and `amha` with their case endings, `ṅaṃ` and `ṅākaṃ` are optionally substituted for each. The forms are: `tumhaṃ`, `tumhākaṃ`, `tumhe`; `amhaṃ`, `amhākaṃ`, `amhe`.

Apādādo padatekavākye-.

Not at the beginning of a word (`pada`); following another word; within a single sentence.

Idamadhikataṃ veditabbaṃ; pajjate’nenatthoti-padaṃ, syādyantaṃ tyādyāntañca; padasamūho vākyaṃ.

This should be understood as the governing rule. A `pada` is that by which a meaning is reached; it is what ends in a nominal suffix (`si`, etc.) or a verbal suffix (`ti`, etc.). A collection of `padas` is a sentence.

Yonaṃhisvapañcamyā vono-.

Before `yo`, `naṃ`, `hi`, and `su`, excluding the ablative: `vo` and `no`.

Apañcamiyā yonaṃhisvapādādo vattamānānaṃ padasmā paresaṃ ekavākye ṭhitānaṃ tumhaamhasaddānaṃ savibhattīnaṃ vo no honti vā yathākkamaṃ; tiṭṭhatha vo, tiṭṭhatha tumhe; tiṭṭhāma no, tiṭṭhāma mayaṃ; passati vo, passati tumhe; passati no, passatiamhe; dīyate vo, dīyate tumhaṃ; dīyate no,

For the words `tumha` and `amha` with their case endings—when they are not in the ablative case but in the cases of `yo`, `naṃ`, `hi`, or `su`; are not at the beginning of a pada; follow another word; and are in the same sentence—the substitutes `vo` and `no` are optionally used, respectively. For example: `tiṭṭhatha vo` or `tiṭṭhatha tumhe` (you stand); `tiṭṭhāma no` or `tiṭṭhāma mayaṃ` (we stand); `passati vo` or `passati tumhe` (he sees you); `passati no` or `passati amhe` (he sees us); `dīyate vo` or `dīyate tumhaṃ` (it is given to you); `dīyate no`,

Dīyate amhaṃ; dhanaṃ vo, dhanaṃ tumhaṃ; dhanaṃ no, dhanaṃ amhaṃ; kataṃ vo, kataṃ tumhehi; kataṃ no, kataṃ amhehi–-apañcamyāti-kiṃ?Nissaṭaṃ tumhehi, nissaṭaṃ amhehi; apādādotveva

`dīyate amhaṃ` (it is given to us); `dhanaṃ vo` or `dhanaṃ tumhaṃ` (wealth to you); `dhanaṃ no` or `dhanaṃ amhaṃ` (wealth to us); `kataṃ vo` or `kataṃ tumhehi` (done by you); `kataṃ no` or `kataṃ amhehi` (done by us). Why the condition ‘excluding the ablative’? For example: `nissaṭaṃ tumhehi` (departed from you), `nissaṭaṃ amhehi` (departed from us). And why the condition ‘not at the beginning of a pada’?

‘‘Balañca bhikkhūnamanuppadinnaṃ,Tumhehi puññaṃ pasutaṃ anappakaṃ’’;

“And strength has been granted to the bhikkhus; by you no little merit has been acquired.”

Padatotveva- tumhe tiṭṭhatha; ekavākyetveva- devadatto tiṭṭhati gāme, tumhe tiṭṭhathanagare; savibhattīnaṃtveva- arahati dhammo tumhādinaṃ; arahati dhammo amhādisānaṃ.

And why the condition ‘following a word’? For example: `tumhe tiṭṭhatha`. And why ‘in a single sentence’? For example: `Devadatto tiṭṭhati gāme, tumhe tiṭṭhatha nagare` (Devadatta stands in the village; you stand in the city). And why ‘with their case endings’? For example: `arahati dhammo tumhādisānaṃ` (the Dhamma is worthy of those like you); `arahati dhammo amhādisānaṃ` (the Dhamma is worthy of those like us).

Teme nāse-.

In the instrumental and dative-genitive singular: `te` and `me`.

Nāmhi se ca apādādo vattamānānaṃ padasmā paresaṃ eka vākye ṭhitānaṃ tumhaambhasaddānaṃ savibhattīnaṃ teme vā honti yathākkamaṃ; kataṃ te, kataṃ tayā; kataṃme, kataṃ mayā; dīyate te, dīyate tava; dīyate me, dīyayate mama; dhanaṃ te, dhanaṃme, dhanaṃ mama.

In the instrumental singular (`nā`) and dative-genitive singular (`se`), for the words `tumha` and `amha` with their case endings—when not at the beginning of a pada, following another word, and in the same sentence—the substitutes `te` and `me` are optionally used, respectively. For example: `kataṃ te` or `kataṃ tayā` (done by you); `kataṃ me` or `kataṃ mayā` (done by me); `dīyate te` or `dīyate tava` (it is given to you); `dīyate me` or `dīyate mama` (it is given to me); `dhanaṃ te` or `dhanaṃ tava` (wealth to you); `dhanaṃ me` or `dhanaṃ mama` (wealth to me).

Anvādese-.

In subsequent reference.

Kathitānukathanavisaye tumhaamhasaddānamādesā niccaṃ bhavanti punabbidhānā; gāmo tumhaṃ pariggaho, atho janapado vo pariggaho.

In the case of subsequent reference—that is, referring to something already mentioned—the substitutes for the words `tumha` and `amha` are obligatory, as the rule is stated again. For example: `gāmo tumhaṃ pariggaho, atho janapado vo pariggaho` (The village is your possession, and the country, too, is your possession).

Sapubbā paṭhamantā vā-.

Optionally, when preceded by a word in the nominative case.

Vijjamānapubbasmā paṭhamantā paresaṃ tumhaamhasaddānamā desā vā honti anvādese’pi; gāme paṭo tumhākaṃ, atho nagare kambalo vo; atho nagare kambalo tumhākaṃ; sapubbāti-kiṃ? Paṭo tumhākaṃ, atho kambalo vo; paṭha mantāti-kiṃ-paṭo nagare tumhākaṃ, atho kambalo gāme vo.

When following a preceding word that is in the nominative case, the substitutes for the words `tumha` and `amha` are optional, even in subsequent reference. For example: `gāme paṭo tumhākaṃ, atho nagare kambalo vo` or `atho nagare kambalo tumhākaṃ` (The cloth in the village is yours, and the blanket in the city is yours). Why the condition ‘when preceded’? For example: `Paṭo tumhākaṃ, atho kambalo vo`. Why the condition ‘by a word in the nominative case’? For example: `paṭo nagare tumhākaṃ, atho kambalo gāme vo`.

Na vavāhāhevayoge-.

Not when in conjunction with `ca`, `vā`, `aha`, or `eva`.

Cādīhi yoge tumhaamhasaddānamādesā na honti; gāmo tava ca pariggaho, mama ca pariggaho; gāmo tava vā pariggaho, mama vā pariggaho; gāmo tavaha pariggaho, mamaha pariggaho; gāmo tavāha pariggaho, mamāha parigga ho; gāmā taveva pariggaho, mameva pariggaho; evaṃ sabbattha udāhararitabbaṃ–-yogeti kiṃ? Gāmoca te pariggaho, nagarañca me pariggaho.

When in conjunction with `ca` and the other particles, the substitutes for the words `tumha` and `amha` do not occur. For example: `gāmo tava ca pariggaho, mama ca pariggaho` (the village is your possession and my possession); `gāmo tava vā pariggaho, mama vā pariggaho` (the village is either your possession or my possession); `gāmo tavāha pariggaho, mamāha pariggaho`; `gāmo taveva pariggaho, mameva pariggaho` (the village is indeed your possession, indeed my possession). This should be exemplified in all cases. Why the condition ‘in conjunction’? For example: `Gāmo ca te pariggaho, nagarañca me pariggaho` (Both the village is your possession, and the city is my possession).

Dassanatthenālocane-.

With verbs of seeing, except for `āloceti`.

Dassanatthesu ālocanavajjitesu payujjamānesu tumha amhasaddānamādesā na honti; gāmo tumhe uddissāgato, gāmo amhe uddissāgato–-anālocaneti-kiṃ? Gāmo vo āloveti, gāmo no āloceti.

When verbs with the meaning of ‘seeing,’ except for `āloceti`, are used, the substitutes for the words `tumha` and `amha` do not occur. For example: `gāmo tumhe uddissāgato` (the village headman has come for you); `gāmo amhe uddissāgato` (the village headman has come for us). Why the condition ‘except for `āloceti`’? For example: `gāmo vo āloceti` (the village headman informs you); `gāmo no āloceti` (the village headman informs us).

Āmantaṇaṃ pubbamasantaṃva-.

A preceding vocative is as if non-existent.

Āmantaṇaṃ pubbamavijjamānaṃ viya hoti tumhaamhasaddāna mādesavisaye; devadatta tava pariggaho–-āmantaṇantikiṃ? Kambalo te pariggaho; pubbanti-kiṃ?’Mayetaṃ sabba makkhātaṃ tumhākaṃ dvijapuṅgavā’ parassa hi [ ] avijjamānantā apādādoti-paṭisedhona siyā? Ivāti-kiṃ? Savanaṃ[ ] yathā siyā.

A preceding vocative is treated as if it were non-existent in the context of the substitution rules for `tumha` and `amha`. For example: `Devadatta, tava pariggaho` (Devadatta, it is your possession). Why the condition ‘vocative’? For example: `Kambalo te pariggaho` (The blanket is your possession). Why the condition ‘preceding’? For example: `Mayā etaṃ sabbaṃ akkhātaṃ tumhākaṃ, dvijapuṅgavā` (All this has been explained by me to you, O best of brahmins). Why the word ‘as if’? So that the vocative is still heard.

Na sāmaññavacanamekatthe-.

Not a generic term in apposition.

Samānādhikaraṇe parato sāmaññavacanamāmantaṇamasantaṃ viya na hoti; māṇavaka jaṭilaka tepariggaho–-parassā vijjamānatte’pi pubbarūpamupādāyādeso hoti; sāmañña vacananti-kiṃ? Devadatta māṇavaka tava pariggaho; ekatthetikiṃ? Devadatta yaññadatta tumhaṃ pariggaho.

A vocative that is a generic term in apposition is not treated as non-existent. For example: `Māṇavaka, jaṭilaka, te pariggaho` (O young man, O ascetic, it is your possession). Here, the substitution occurs based on the preceding vocative. Why the condition ‘a generic term’? For example: `Devadatta, māṇavaka, tava pariggaho` (Devadatta, young man, it is your possession). Why the condition ‘in apposition’? For example: `Devadatta, Yaññadatta, tumhaṃ pariggaho` (Devadatta, Yaññadatta, it is your possession).

Bahusu vā-.

Optionally in the plural.

Bahusu vattamānamāmantaṇaṃ sāmaññavacanamekatthe avijjamānaṃ viya vā na hoti; brāhmaṇā guṇavanto tumhākaṃ pariggaho; brāhmaṇā guṇavanto vo pariggaho.

A vocative in the plural that is a generic term in apposition is optionally not treated as non-existent. For example: `brāhmaṇā guṇavanto, tumhākaṃ pariggaho` or `brāhmaṇā guṇavanto, vo pariggaho` (O virtuous brahmins, it is your possession).

Iti moggallāne vyākaraṇe vuttiyaṃ syādikaṇḍo dutiyo.

Thus ends the second chapter, the Chapter on Suffixes, in the Vutti on the Moggallāna Grammar.

Syādi syādinekatthaṃ-.

A nominal word has a single meaning with another nominal word.

Syādyantaṃ syādyāntena sahekatthaṃ hotīti-idamadhikataṃ veditabbaṃ; so ca bhinnatthānamekatthibhāvo samāsoti vuccate.

A word ending in a nominal suffix has a single meaning together with another word ending in a nominal suffix; this should be understood as the governing rule. And this unification of things with different meanings into a single meaning is called a compound (`samāsa`).

Asaṃkhyaṃ vibhattisampattisamīpasākalyābhāvayathā pacchāyugapadatthe-.

An indeclinable is compounded with a nominal word in the senses of: case meaning, prosperity, nearness, totality, absence, correspondence, posteriority, and simultaneity.

Asaṃkhyaṃ syyādyantaṃ vibhatyādīnamatthe vattamānaṃ syādyantena sahekatthaṃ bhavati; tattha vibhatyatthe tāva-itthisu kathā pavattā adhitthi–-sampatti dvidhā attasampatti samiddhi casampannaṃ brahmaṃ sabrahmaṃ, licchavīnaṃ; samiddhi bhikkhānaṃ subhikkhaṃ. Samīpe-kumbhassa samīpamupakumbhaṃ–-sākalye-satiṇamajjho harati; sāggyadhīte–-abhāvo sambandhibhedā bahuvidho; tatra iddhābhāve-vigatā iddhi saddikānaṃ dussaddikaṃ; atthābhāve-abhāvo makkhikānaṃ nimmakkhikaṃ; atikkamābhāve-atigatāni tiṇāni nittiṇaṃ; sampatābhāve-atigataṃ lahupāpuraṇaṃ ati lahupāpuraṇaṃ; lahupāpuraṇassa nāyamupabhogakāloti attho. Yayathāttho’nekavidho; tatra yoggatāyaṃ-anurūpaṃ surūpo vahati; vicchāyaṃ -anvaddhamāsaṃ; atthānativattiyaṃ- yathāsatti; sadisatte- sadiso kikhiyā[ ] sakikhi; ānupubbiyaṃ- anujeṭṭhaṃ; pacchātthe [ -]anurathaṃ; yugapadatthe-sacakkaṃ nidhi.

An indeclinable word, signifying the meanings of case, etc., is compounded with a nominal word. In the sense of a case ending: `adhitthi` (concerning women), from `itthisu kathā pavattā`. In the sense of prosperity (which is twofold: personal attainment and abundance): `sabrahmam` (like Brahma), from `sampannaṃ brahmaṃ`; `subhikkhaṃ` (abundance of alms), from `samiddhi bhikkhānaṃ`. In the sense of nearness: `upakumbhaṃ` (near the pot), from `kumbhassa samīpaṃ`. In the sense of totality: `satiṇam ajjhoharati` (he eats it including the grass). In the sense of absence (which is manifold): `dussaddikaṃ` (devoid of good grammarians), from `vigatā iddhi saddikānaṃ`; `nimmakkhikaṃ` (without flies), from `abhāvo makkhikānaṃ`; `nittiṇaṃ` (without grass), from `atigatāni tiṇāni`; `atilahupāpuraṇaṃ` (beyond the light cloak), meaning the time for its use has passed. In the sense of correspondence (`yathā`, which is manifold): in the sense of suitability, `anurūpaṃ`; in the sense of repetition, `anvaddhamāsaṃ` (every half-month); in the sense of not overstepping, `yathāsatti` (according to one's ability); in the sense of resemblance, `sakikhi` (like a kiki bird); in the sense of succession, `anujeṭṭhaṃ` (according to seniority). In the sense of posteriority: `anurathaṃ` (behind the chariot). In the sense of simultaneity: `sacakkaṃ` (together with the wheel).

Yathā na tulye-.

`Yathā` is not compounded in the sense of 'equal'.

Yathāsaddotulyatthe vattamāno syādyantena sahekattho na bhavati; yathā devadatto tathā yaññadatto.

The word `yathā`, when used in the sense of ‘equal to,’ is not compounded with a nominal word. For example: `yathā devadatto tathā yaññadatto` (As Devadatta is, so is Yaññadatta).

Yāvāvadhāraṇe-.

`Yāva` in the sense of limitation.

Yāvasaddo’vadhāraṇe vattamāno syādyantena sahekattho bhavati; avadhāraṇamettakatā paricchedo; yāvāmattaṃ brāhmaṇe āmantaya; yāvajīvaṃ–-avadhāraṇeti-kiṃ, yāva dinnaṃtāva bhuttaṃ nāvadhārayāmi kittakaṃ mayā bhuttanti.

The word `yāva`, when used in the sense of limitation, is compounded with a nominal word. Limitation means restriction. For example: `yāvāmattaṃ brāhmaṇe āmantaya` (invite brahmins to the full measure); `yāvajīvaṃ` (for as long as life lasts). Why the condition ‘in the sense of limitation’? For example: `yāva dinnaṃ tāva bhuttaṃ` (as much as was given, so much was eaten), where I do not determine how much I have eaten.

Payyapābahitiropurepacchāvā pañcamyā-.

`Pari`, `apa`, `ā`, `bahi`, `tiro`, `pure`, and `pacchā` are optionally compounded with a word in the ablative case.

Pariādayo vañcamyantena sahekatthā honti vā; pari pabbataṃ vassi devo, paripabbatā; apapabbataṃ vassi devo, apa pabbatā; āpāṭaliputtaṃ vassidevo, āpāṭaliputtā; bahigāmaṃ, bahigāmā; tiropabbataṃ, tiropabbatā; purebhattaṃ, purebhattā; pacchābhattaṃ, pacchābhattā–-vetādhikāro

`Pari` and the other prepositions are optionally compounded with a word in the ablative case. For example: `pari pabbataṃ` or `pari pabbatā` (around the mountain); `apa pabbataṃ` or `apa pabbatā` (away from the mountain); `āpāṭaliputtaṃ` or `ā pāṭaliputtā` (up to Pāṭaliputta); `bahigāmaṃ` or `bahi gāmā` (outside the village); `tiropabbataṃ` or `tiro pabbatā` (beyond the mountain); `purebhattaṃ` or `pure bhattā` (before the meal); `pacchābhattaṃ` or `pacchā bhattā` (after the meal). The governing rule here is optionality.

Samīpāyāmesvanu-.

`Anu` in the senses of nearness and extent.

Anusaddo sāmīpye āyāme ca vattamāno syādyantena sahekattho hotī vā; anuvanamasani gatā; anugaṅgaṃ bārāṇasī–-samīpāyāmesviti-kiṃ, rukkhamanuvijjotate vijju.

The word `anu`, when used in the senses of nearness and extent, is optionally compounded with a nominal word. For example: `anuvanam asani gatā` (lightning has gone along the forest); `anugaṅgaṃ bārāṇasī` (Varanasi is along the Ganges). Why the condition ‘in the senses of nearness and extent’? For example: `rukkham anu vijjotate vijju` (The lightning flashes upon the tree).

Tiṭṭhagvādini-.

`Tiṭṭhagu` and others.

Tiṭṭhaguppabhutīni, ekatthibhāvavisaye nipātīyante;’tiṭṭhantī gāvo yasmiṃ kāle’tiṭṭhagu, kālo; vahaggu, kālo; āyatigavaṃ, khaleyavaṃ, lūnayavaṃ, lūyamānayavamiccādi–-vyanto’pettha; kesākesi; daṇḍādaṇḍi–-tathā velāppabhāvanattho’pi; pāto nahānaṃ pātanahānaṃ; sāyaṃ nahānaṃ sāyanahānaṃ; pātakālaṃ, sāyakālaṃ; pātameghaṃ, sāyameghaṃ; pātamaggaṃ, sāyamaggaṃ.

`Tiṭṭhagu` and similar words are irregularly formed as compounds. For example: `tiṭṭhagu kālo` (the time when cows stand), from the phrase `tiṭṭhanti gāvo yasmiṃ kāle`; similarly, `vahaggu kālo` (the time when oxen are yoked). Also `āyatigavaṃ` (until the cows come home), `khaleyavaṃ` (barley on the threshing floor), `lūnayavaṃ` (reaped barley), `lūyamānayavaṃ` (barley being reaped), and so on. Also included here are reciprocal compounds: `kesākesi` (fighting by pulling hair); `daṇḍādaṇḍi` (fighting with sticks). Likewise, compounds indicating time: `pātanahānaṃ` (morning bath); `sāyanahānaṃ` (evening bath); `pātakālaṃ` (morning time); `sāyakālaṃ` (evening time); `pātameghaṃ` (morning cloud); `sāyameghaṃ` (evening cloud); `pātamaggaṃ` (morning path); `sāyamaggaṃ` (evening path).

Oreparipaṭipāremajjheheṭhuddhādhonto vā chaṭṭhīyā-.

`Ora`, `pari`, `paṭi`, `pāre`, `majjhe`, `heṭṭhā`, `uddhaṃ`, `adho`, and `anto` are optionally compounded with a word in the genitive case.

Orādayo saddā chaṭṭhiyantena sahekatthā vā honti; ekārantattaṃ nipātanato–-oregaṅgaṃ; uparisikharaṃ; paṭi sotaṃ; pāreyamunaṃ; majjhegaṅgaṃ; heṭṭhāpāsādaṃ; uddhagaṅgaṃ; adhogaṅgaṃ; antopāsādaṃ–-puna vāvidhānā gaṅgāoramiccā dipi hoti.

`Ora` and similar words are optionally compounded with a word in the genitive case; their ending in `-e` is by irregular formation. For example: `oregaṅgaṃ` (on this side of the Ganges); `uparisikharaṃ` (on top of the peak); `paṭisotaṃ` (against the stream); `pāreyamunaṃ` (beyond the Yamuna); `majjhegaṅgaṃ` (in the middle of the Ganges); `heṭṭhāpāsādaṃ` (below the palace); `uddhagaṅgaṃ` (above the Ganges); `adhogaṅgaṃ` (below the Ganges); `antopāsādaṃ` (inside the palace). Because the rule is optional, forms like `gaṅgāya oraṃ` also occur.

Taṃ napuṃsakaṃ-.

It is neuter.

Yadetamatakkantamekatthaṃ taṃ napuṃsakaliṅgaṃ veditabbaṃ; tathā vevodāhaṭaṃ; vā kvaci bahulādhikārā–-yathāparisaṃ, yathā parisāya; sakāya sakāya parisāyāti attho.

This compound with a single meaning should be understood to be of the neuter gender. This has already been exemplified. Optionally in some cases, due to the principle of flexible application, it is not. For example: `yathāparisaṃ` or `yathāparisāya`, meaning ‘in each respective assembly.’

Amādi-.

With the accusative, etc.

Amādisyādyantaṃ syādyāntena saha bahulamekatthaṃ hoti;’gāmaṃ gato’ gāmagato;’muhuttaṃ sukhaṃ’ muhuttasukhaṃ. Vuttiye vopapadasamāse-kumbhakāro; sapāko; tantavāyo; carā haro–-ntamānaktavantuhi vākyameva; dhammaṃ suṇanto; dhammaṃ suṇamāno; odanaṃ bhuttavā.’

A word ending in `aṃ` and so on, together with a word ending in `sya` and so on, frequently forms a single meaning. For example, 'gone to the village' (`gāmaṃ gato`) becomes 'village-gone' (`gāmagato`); 'a moment of happiness' (`muhuttaṃ sukhaṃ`) becomes 'momentary happiness' (`muhuttasukhaṃ`). In usage, in the `upapada` compound: 'potter' (`kumbhakāro`); 'cook' (`sapāko`); 'weaver' (`tantavāyo`); 'wanderer' (`carā haro`). With the suffixes `-nta`, `-māna`, and `-ktavantu`, it is merely a sentence: 'listening to the Dhamma' (`dhammaṃ suṇanto`); 'listening to the Dhamma' (`dhammaṃ suṇamāno`); 'having eaten rice' (`odanaṃ bhuttavā`).

Raññā hato’ rājahato;’asinā chinno’ asicchinno; pitusadiso; pitusamo; sukhasahagataṃ;’dadhinā upasittaṃ bhojanaṃ’dadhibhojanaṃ;’guḷena misso odano’ guḷodano. Vutti padenevopasittādikriyāyākhyāpanato natthāyuttatthatā.

'Killed by the king' (`raññā hato`) becomes 'king-killed' (`rājahato`); 'cut by a sword' (`asinā chinno`) becomes 'sword-cut' (`asicchinno`); 'like the father' (`pitusadiso`); 'equal to the father' (`pitusamo`); 'accompanied by happiness' (`sukhasahagataṃ`); 'food sprinkled with curd' (`dadhinā upasittaṃ bhojanaṃ`) becomes 'curd-food' (`dadhibhojanaṃ`); 'rice mixed with molasses' (`guḷena misso odano`) becomes 'molasses-rice' (`guḷodano`). In usage, since the action of sprinkling and so on is expressed by the word itself, there is no impropriety of meaning.

Kvavi vuttiyeva; urago pādapo–-kvavi vākyameva; pharasunā chinnavā; dassanena pahātabbā.’

Sometimes it is only a compound: `urago` (serpent), `pādapo` (tree). Sometimes it is only a sentence: 'cut with an axe' (`pharasunā chinnavā`); 'to be abandoned by seeing' (`dassanena pahātabbā`).

Buddhassadeyyaṃ’ buddhadeyyaṃ;’yūpāya dāru’ yūpadāru;’rajanāya doṇi’ rajanadoṇi; idha na hoti-saṅghassa dātabbaṃ–-kathaṃ, etadattho etadatthanti-aññapadatthe bhavissati.’

'To be given to the Buddha' (`Buddhassa deyyaṃ`) becomes 'Buddha-gift' (`buddhadeyyaṃ`); 'wood for a sacrificial post' (`yūpāya dāru`) becomes 'sacrificial-post wood' (`yūpadāru`); 'trough for dyeing' (`rajanāya doṇi`) becomes 'dyeing-trough' (`rajanadoṇi`). Here it does not occur: 'to be given to the Sangha' (`saṅghassa dātabbaṃ`). How so? 'For this purpose' (`etadattho`) will be in the sense of another word.

Savarehi bhayaṃ’ savarabhayaṃ; gāmaniggato, methunāpeto. Kvaci vuttiyeva; kammajaṃ, cittajaṃ–-idha na hoti-rukkhā patito.’

'Fear from savages' (`savarehi bhayaṃ`) becomes 'savage-fear' (`savarabhayaṃ`); 'gone out from the village' (`gāmaniggato`); 'separated from sexual intercourse' (`methunāpeto`). Sometimes it is only a compound: 'born of action' (`kammajaṃ`), 'born of mind' (`cittajaṃ`). Here it does not occur: 'fallen from a tree' (`rukkhā patito`).

Rañño puriso’ rājapuriso–-bahulādhikārā ntamāna niddhāriyapūraṇabhāvatittatthehi na hoti; mamānukubbaṃ; mamānu kurumāno; gunnaṃ kaṇhā sampannakhīratamā; sissānaṃ pañcamo; paṭassa sukkatā–-kvaci hoteva; vattamānasāmīpyaṃ–-kathaṃ brāhmaṇassa sukkā dantāti-sāpekkhatāya na hoti–-idha panahoteva candanagandho; nadīghoso; kaññārūpaṃ; kāyasamphasso?Phalarasoti [ –-]phalānaṃtitto; phalānamāsito[ ] phalānaṃ suhito; brāhmaṇassौccaṃ gehanti; sāpekkha tāya na hoti–-raññopāṭaliputtakassadhananti–-dhana sambandhe chaṭṭhīti pāṭaliputtakैnasambandhābhāvā nahessati; rañño’gova asso ca puriso cā’ti bhīnnatthatāyaṃ [ ] vākya meva–-’rañño gavāssapurisā rājagavāssapurisāti vutti hotevekatthibhāve.’Dānesoṇḍo’ dānasoṇḍo; dhammarato; dānabhirato–-kvacivuttiyeva; kucchisayo; thalaṭṭho; paṅkajaṃ; saroruhaṃ idha na hoti bhojane mattaññutā; indriyesu guttadvāratā; āsane nisinno āsane nisīditabbaṃ.

'The king's man' (`rañño puriso`) becomes 'royal servant' (`rājapuriso`). Due to the principle of flexible application, it does not occur with words ending in `-nta` or `-māna`, or in the meanings of determination, ordinals, state, and satisfaction: 'following my example' (`mamānukubbaṃ`); 'imitating me' (`mamānu kurumāno`); 'of the cows, the black one is richest in milk' (`gunnaṃ kaṇhā sampannakhīratamā`); 'the fifth among disciples' (`sissānaṃ pañcamo`); 'the whiteness of the cloth' (`paṭassa sukkatā`). Sometimes it does occur: 'proximity to the present' (`vattamānasāmīpyaṃ`). How so in 'the brahmin's teeth are white' (`brāhmaṇassa sukkā dantā`)? Due to syntactic dependency, it does not occur. But here it does occur: 'fragrance of sandalwood' (`candanagandho`); 'sound of the river' (`nadīghoso`); 'beauty of a maiden' (`kaññārūpaṃ`); 'touch of the body' (`kāyasamphasso`). 'Satisfied with fruits' (`phalānaṃ titto`); 'having eaten fruits' (`phalānaṃ āsito`); 'content with fruits' (`phalānaṃ suhito`). 'The brahmin's house is high' (`brāhmaṇassa uccaṃ gehaṃ`); due to syntactic dependency, it does not occur. 'The wealth of the king of Pāṭaliputta' (`rañño pāṭaliputtakassa dhanaṃ`); the genitive is in relation to wealth, but since there is no connection to Pāṭaliputta, it will not occur. 'The king's cow, and horse, and man' (`rañño gavo ca asso ca puriso ca`); due to the difference in meaning, it is merely a sentence. But 'the king's cows, horses, and men' (`rañño gavāssapurisā`) becomes 'royal cows, horses, and men' (`rājagavāssapurisā`); a compound occurs when there is a single meaning. 'Addicted to giving' (`dāne soṇḍo`) becomes `dānasoṇḍo`; 'delighting in the Dhamma' (`dhammarato`); 'rejoicing in generosity' (`dānabhirato`). Sometimes it is only a compound: 'lying on the belly' (`kucchisayo`); 'standing on dry land' (`thalaṭṭho`); 'mud-born' (`paṅkajaṃ`); 'lake-grown' (`saroruhaṃ`). Here it does not occur: 'moderation in food' (`bhojane mattaññutā`); 'guarding the doors of the senses' (`indriyesu guttadvāratā`); 'seated on a seat' (`āsane nisinno`); 'one should sit on the seat' (`āsane nisīditabbaṃ`).

Visesanamekatthena-.

An adjective with a single meaning.

Visesanaṃ syādyantaṃ visessena syādyāntena samānādhikaraṇenasahekatthaṃ hoti;’nīlañca taṃ uppalañce’ti niluppalaṃ,’chinnañca taṃ parūḷhañce’ti chinnaparūḷhaṃ; satthiva satthī,’satthī ca sāsāmā ce’ti satthisāmā; sīhova sīho,’muni ca sosīho vā’timunisīho;’sīlameva dhanaṃ’ sīladhanaṃ–-kci vākyameva, puṇṇo mantāṇiputto; citto gahapati.–-Kvaci vuttiyeva; kaṇhasappo; lohitasāli. Visesananti-kiṃ? Tacchako sappo. Ekattheneti-kiṃ? Kāḷamhā añño–-kathaṃ, patta jīviko āpannajīviko[ ] māsajātoti-aññapadatthe bhavissati.

An adjective ending in a case termination, together with a noun ending in a case termination, when in apposition, form a single meaning. For example, 'blue and that lotus' (`nīlañca taṃ uppalañca`) becomes 'blue lotus' (`nīluppalaṃ`); 'cut and that overgrown' (`chinnañca taṃ parūḷhañca`) becomes 'cut-overgrown' (`chinnaparūḷhaṃ`); 'a teacher and she who is Sāmā' (`satthī ca sā sāmā ca`) becomes 'teacher-Sāmā' (`satthisāmā`); 'a sage who is like a lion' (`muni ca so sīho vā`) becomes 'sage-lion' (`munisīho`); 'virtue itself is wealth' (`sīlameva dhanaṃ`) becomes 'virtue-wealth' (`sīladhanaṃ`). Sometimes it is merely a sentence: Puṇṇa Mantāṇiputta; Citta the householder. Sometimes it is only a compound: 'black snake' (`kaṇhasappo`); 'red rice' (`lohitasāli`). Why 'adjective'? 'A snake which is a carpenter' (`tacchako sappo`). Why 'with a single meaning'? 'Other than black' (`kāḷamhā añño`). How so in `pattajīviko` ('one whose livelihood is obtained'), `āpannajīviko` ('one who has obtained a livelihood'), `māsajāto` ('one born a month ago')? It will be in the sense of another word.

Naña-.

The negative particle `nañ`.

Nañiccetaṃ syādyantaṃ syādyantena sahekatthaṃ hoti; na brāhmaṇo abrāhmaṇo–-bahulādhikārato asamatthehipi kehici hoti; apunageyyā, gāthā–-anokāsaṃ kāretvā amūlāmūlaṃ gantvā–-īsakaḷāro īsapiṅgaloti-syādi syādinekatthanti samāso; vākyameva vātippasaṅgābhāvā.

This particle `nañ`, when inflected, forms a single meaning with another inflected word. For example, `na brāhmaṇo` (not a brahmin) becomes `abrāhmaṇo` (a non-brahmin). By the principle of flexible application, it sometimes occurs even with syntactically unconnected words: `apunageyyā gāthā` (a verse not to be sung again); `anokāsaṃ kāretvā` (having made no room); `amūlāmūlaṃ gantvā` (having gone to the rootless root). In cases like `īsakaḷāro` (slightly dark) and `īsapiṅgalo` (slightly tawny), a compound is formed by an inflected word with another inflected word into a single meaning; otherwise, it remains a phrase, thus avoiding over-application.

Kupādayo niccamasyādividhimhi-.

The particles `ku`, `pā`, and so on are always compounded in a context where the rule for inflected words does not apply.

Kusaddo pādayo ca syādyantena sahekatthā honti niccaṃ syadividhivisayato’ññattha;’kucchito brāhmaṇo’ kubrāhmaṇo,’īsakaṃ uṇhaṃ’ kaduṇhaṃ; panāyako, abhiseko, pakarittvā, pakataṃ, duppuriso, dukkataṃ, supuriso, sukataṃ, abhitthutaṃ, atitthutaṃ, ākaḷāro, ābaddho. Pādayo gatādyatthe paṭhamāya()’ pagato ācariyo’ pācariyo; pantevāsī–-accādayo kantādyatthe dutiyāya;()’atikkanto maca’matimañco; atimālo. Avādayo kuṭṭhādyatthe tatiyāya;()’avakuṭṭhaṃ kokilāya vana’mavakokilaṃ; avamayayūraṃ. Pariyādayo gilānādyatthe catutthiyā; ()’parigila no’jjhenāya’ pariyajjheno–-nyādayo kannādyatthe pañcamiyā()’nikkhantokosambiyā’ nikkosambi–-asyādividhimhīti kiṃrukkhampati vijjotate.

The word `ku` and the prefixes `pā` and so on, together with an inflected word, always form a single meaning, in a context other than the domain of the rule for inflected words. For example, 'a despised brahmin' (`kucchito brāhmaṇo`) becomes `kubrāhmaṇo`; 'a little hot' (`īsakaṃ uṇhaṃ`) becomes `kaduṇhaṃ`. Other examples include: `panāyako`, `abhiseko`, `pakaritvā`, `pakataṃ`, `duppuriso`, `dukkataṃ`, `supuriso`, `sukataṃ`, `abhitthutaṃ`, `atitthutaṃ`, `ākaḷāro`, `ābaddho`. The prefixes `pā` and so on, in the sense of 'gone' and so on, with the nominative case: 'the teacher who has gone forth' (`pagato ācariyo`) becomes `pācariyo`; `pantevāsī` (a resident pupil). The prefixes `ati` and so on, in the sense of 'surpassing' and so on, with the accusative case: 'surpassed the cot' (`atikkanto mañcaṃ`) becomes `atimañco`; `atimālo` (exceeding a garland). The prefixes `ava` and so on, in the sense of 'contempt' and so on, with the instrumental case: 'forest scorned by the cuckoo' (`avakuṭṭhaṃ kokilāya vanaṃ`) becomes `avakokilaṃ`; `avamayūraṃ` (a scorned peacock). The prefixes `pari` and so on, in the sense of 'weary' and so on, with the dative case: 'weary of study' (`parigilāno ajjhenāya`) becomes `pariyajjheno`. The prefixes `ni` and so on, in the sense of 'departing' and so on, with the ablative case: 'departed from Kosambi' (`nikkhanto kosambiyā`) becomes `nikkosambi`. What is the purpose of 'where the rule for inflected words does not apply'? It is for cases like 'it shines towards the tree' (`rukkhaṃ pati vijjotate`).

Cī kriyatthehi-.

The suffix `cī` with words denoting action.

Cīppaccayanto kriyatthehi syadyantehi sahekattho hoti; malinī kariya.

A word ending in the suffix `cī`, together with an inflected word denoting action, forms a single meaning. For example: `malinīkariya` (having made dirty).

Bhusanādarānādaresvalaṃsāsā-.

The words `alaṃ` and `sat` in the sense of adornment, respect, and disrespect.

Bhusanādisvatthesvalamādayo saddā kriyātthehi syādyantehi sahekatthā honti; alaṃkariya; sakkacca; asakkacca–-bhusanādīsūti-kiṃ? Alaṃ bhutvā gato; sakkatvā gato; asakkatvā gato; pariyattaṃ sobhanamasobhananti attho.

In the meanings of adornment and so on, the words `alaṃ` and so on, together with inflected words denoting action, form a single meaning. For example: `alaṃkariya` (having adorned); `sakkacca` (having done respectfully); `asakkacca` (having done disrespectfully). What is the purpose of 'in the meanings of adornment and so on'? It is to exclude cases like: 'Having eaten enough, he went' (`alaṃ bhutvā gato`); 'having acted respectfully, he went' (`sakkatvā gato`); 'having acted disrespectfully, he went' (`asakkatvā gato`). The meaning is 'sufficient', 'beautiful', or 'not beautiful'.

Aññe ca-.

And others.

Aññe ca saddā kriyatthehi syādyantehi saha bahulamekatthā bhavanti; purobhuya; tirobhuya;tirokariya; urasikariya; manasikariya; majjhekariya; tuṇhibhuya.

And other words, together with inflected words denoting action, frequently form a single meaning. For example: `purobhuya` (becoming in front); `tirobhuya` (becoming hidden); `tirokariya` (making hidden); `urasikariya` (placing on the chest); `manasikariya` (placing in the mind); `majjhekariya` (placing in the middle); `tuṇhībhuya` (becoming silent).

Vānekaññatthe-.

Optionally, many words in the sense of another word.

Anekaṃ syādyantamaññassa padassatthe ekatthaṃ vā hoti; bahūni dhanāni yassaso’bahudhano;’lambā kaṇṇā yassa so’ lambakaṇṇo;’vajiraṃ pāṇimhi yassaso’yaṃ’ vajirapāṇi;’mattābahavo mātaṅgā ettha’ mattabahumātaṅgaṃ, vanaṃ;’ārūḷho vānaroyaṃ rukkhaṃ so’ ārūḷhavānaro;’jitāni indriyāni yenaso’ jitindriyo;’dinnaṃ bhojanaṃ yassaso’ dinnabhojano;’apagataṃ kāḷakaṃ yasmā paṭā so’ya’ mapagatakāḷako;’upagatādasa yesaṃ te’ upadasā; āsannadasā; adūradasā? Adhika dasā;’tayo dasa parimāṇamesaṃ) tidasā–-kathaṃ, dasasaddosaṃ khyāne vattate parimāṇasaddasannidhānā, yathā-pañcaparimāṇa mesaṃ’ pañcakā sakuṇāti; dve vā tayo vāparimāṇamesa’dvattayo;vāsaddatthe vā-’ve vā tayo vā’ dvattayo–-’dakkhiṇassā ca pubbassā ca disāya yadantarāḷaṃ’ dakkhiṇapubbā, dinā;’dakkhiṇā vasā pubbā cā’ti vā;’saha puttenāgato’ saputto salomako, vijjamānalomakoti attho evaṃ sapakkhako; atthikhīrā, brāhmaṇiti-atthisaddo vijjamānatthe nipāto–-kvaci gatatthatāya padantarānamappayogo, kaṇṭhaṭṭhā kāḷā assa kaṇṭhekāḷo; [ ] oṭṭhamukhamica mukhamassaoṭṭhamukho; kesasaṅghāto cūḷā assa kesacūḷo; suvaṇṇavikāro alaṅkāro assasuvaṇṇālaṅkāro;’ papatitaṃ paṇṇamassa’ papatitapaṇṇo, papaṇṇo;’avijjamānā puttā assa’ avijjamānaputto;’na santi puttā assa’ aputto–-kvaci na hotipañcabhuttavanto assa, bhātuno putto assa atthiti bahulādhikārato.

Many a word ending in a case termination, in the sense of another word, is optionally compounded. For example: 'one who has much wealth' (bahūni dhanāni yassa so) becomes 'wealthy' (bahudhano); 'one who has long ears' (lambā kaṇṇā yassa so) becomes 'long-eared' (lambakaṇṇo); 'one who has a thunderbolt in his hand' (vajiraṃ pāṇimhi yassa so’yaṃ) becomes 'thunderbolt-handed' (vajirapāṇi); 'a forest wherein are many intoxicated elephants' (mattā bahavo mātaṅgā ettha) becomes 'a forest of many intoxicated elephants' (mattabahumātaṅgaṃ vanaṃ); 'a tree which a monkey has climbed' (ārūḷho vānaro yaṃ rukkhaṃ so) becomes 'a tree climbed by a monkey' (ārūḷhavānaro); 'one by whom the senses are conquered' (jitāni indriyāni yena so) becomes 'one with conquered senses' (jitindriyo); 'one to whom food has been given' (dinnaṃ bhojanaṃ yassa so) becomes 'one who has been given food' (dinnabhojano); 'a cloth from which the black stain has departed' (apagataṃ kāḷakaṃ yasmā paṭā so’yaṃ) becomes 'with the black stain removed' (apagatakāḷako); 'those who have approached ten' (upagatā dasa yesaṃ te) becomes 'nearly ten' (upadasā), also 'close to ten' (āsannadasā), 'not far from ten' (adūradasā), or 'more than ten' (adhikadasā). 'Three tens is their measure' (tayo dasa parimāṇaṃ esaṃ) becomes 'the thirty [gods]' (tidasā). How so? The word 'dasa' is used in counting due to its proximity to a word of measure, as in: 'five is their measure' (pañcaparimāṇaṃ esaṃ) becomes 'a group of five birds' (pañcakā sakuṇā); 'two or three is their measure' (dve vā tayo vā parimāṇaṃ esaṃ) becomes 'two or three' (dvattayo). Or, in the sense of the word 'vā' (or): 'two or three' (dve vā tayo vā) becomes 'two or three' (dvattayo). 'That which is the interval between the southern and eastern direction' (dakkhiṇassā ca pubbassā ca disāya yadantarāḷaṃ) becomes 'south-east' (dakkhiṇapubbā), a direction; or 'southern and eastern' (dakkhiṇā ca pubbā ca). 'He who came with his son' (saha puttena āgato) becomes 'with son' (saputto); 'with hair' (salomako), meaning 'having existing hair'; similarly 'with wings' (sapakkhako). 'A Brahmin woman having milk' (atthikhīrā brāhmaṇī)—here the word 'atthi' is a particle in the sense of 'existing'. Sometimes, because the meaning is understood, other words are not used: 'one who has black at the throat' (kaṇṭhaṭṭhā kāḷā assa) becomes 'black-throated' (kaṇṭhekāḷo); 'one whose face is like a camel's face' (oṭṭhamukham iva mukhaṃ assa) becomes 'camel-faced' (oṭṭhamukho); 'one whose topknot is a mass of hair' (kesasaṅghāto cūḷā assa) becomes 'with a topknot of hair' (kesacūḷo); 'one whose ornament is a modification of gold' (suvaṇṇavikāro alaṅkāro assa) becomes 'adorned with gold' (suvaṇṇālaṅkāro); 'one whose leaf has fallen' (papatitaṃ paṇṇaṃ assa) becomes 'with fallen leaf' (papatitapaṇṇo or papaṇṇo); 'one who has no existing sons' (avijjamānā puttā assa) becomes 'without existing sons' (avijjamānaputto); 'one who has no sons' (na santi puttā assa) becomes 'sonless' (aputto). Sometimes this does not occur, as in: 'one who has five who have eaten' (pañca bhuttavanto assa), or 'one who has a brother's son' (bhātuno putto assa atthi), due to the governing rule of 'variously'.

Tattha gahetvā tena paharitvā yuddhe sarūpaṃ-.

In the sense of 'seizing there' and 'striking with that' in battle, with words of the same form.

Sattamyantaṃ tatiyantañca sarūpamanekaṃ tattha gahetvā tena paharitvā yuddhe’ññapadatthe ekatthaṃ vā hoti;’kesesu ca kesesu ca gahetvā yuddhampavattaṃ’ kesākesi;’daṇḍehi ca daṇḍehi ca paharitvā yuddhampavattaṃ’ daṇḍādaṇḍi; muṭṭhāmuṭṭhi ‘‘ci vīti hāre’ti. Ci samāsanto [’]cismi. Ntyākāro–-tattha teneti-kiṃ? Kāyadva kāyadva [ ] gahetvā yuddhaṃ pavattaṃ; gahetvā paharitvāti- kiṃ? Rathe ca rathe ca ṭhatvā yuddhaṃpavattaṃ; yuddhetikiṃ? Hatthe ca hatthe ca gahetvā sakhyaṃ pacattaṃ; sarūpantikiṃ? Daṇḍehi ca musalehica paharitvā yuddhaṃ pavattaṃ.

Many words of the same form, ending in the seventh or third case, referring to an action of 'seizing there' or 'striking with that' in battle, optionally form a single meaning in the sense of another word. For example: 'a battle waged by seizing hair and hair' (kesesu ca kesesu ca gahetvā yuddhaṃ pavattaṃ) becomes 'a hair-pulling fight' (kesākesi); 'a battle waged by striking with sticks and sticks' (daṇḍehi ca daṇḍehi ca paharitvā yuddhaṃ pavattaṃ) becomes 'a stick-fight' (daṇḍādaṇḍi); 'a fist-fight' (muṭṭhāmuṭṭhi). The suffix 'ci' occurs in the sense of reciprocity. 'Ci' is the compound ending. The letter 'i' is an augment. What is the purpose of 'seizing there' and 'striking with that'? To exclude cases like: 'a battle was waged by seizing body and body'. What is the purpose of 'seizing' and 'striking'? To exclude cases like: 'a battle was waged by standing on chariot and chariot' (rathe ca rathe ca ṭhatvā yuddhaṃ pavattaṃ). What is the purpose of 'in battle'? To exclude cases like: 'friendship was formed by taking hand and hand' (hatthe ca hatthe ca gahetvā sakhyaṃ pavattaṃ). What is the purpose of 'of the same form'? To exclude cases like: 'a battle was waged by striking with sticks and pestles' (daṇḍehi ca musalehi ca paharitvā yuddhaṃ pavattaṃ).

Catthe-.

In the sense of 'ca' (and).

Anekaṃ syādyantaṃ catthe ekatthaṃ vā bhavati–-samuccayo’ṇvācayo itarītarayogo samāhāro ca casaddatthā, tattha samuccayāṇvācayesu nekatthibhāvo sambhavati- tesu hi samuccayo aññamaññanirapekkhānamattappadhānānaṃ katthaci kriyāvisese cīyamānatā-yathā-dhave ca khadire ca palāse ca chindāti; anvācayova yattheko padhānabhāvena vidhiyate aparo caguṇabhāvena-yathā-bhikkhaṃ cara gāvo vānayeti–-itarañcayaya tu sambhavati, tesu hi aññamaññasāpekkhānamava yavabhedānugato itarītarayogo- yathā- sāriputtamoggallānātiassāvayavappadhānattā bahuvacanameva; aññamañña sāpekkhānameva tirohitāvayavabhedo samudāyappadhāno samāhāro-yathā-chattupāhananti-assa pana samudāyappadhānattā ekavacanameva; te ca samāhārītarītarayogā bahulaṃ vidhānā niyatavisayāyeva honti, tatrāyaṃ visayavibhāgo nirutti piṭakāgato.

Many a word ending in a case termination is optionally compounded in the sense of 'ca' (and). Combination (samuccaya), inclusion (anvācaya), mutual connection (itarītarayoga), and aggregation (samāhāra) are the meanings of the word 'ca'. Among these, compounding is not possible in the case of combination and inclusion. For, in combination, there is an accumulation of mutually independent items, each primary in relation to some specific action—for example: 'Cut the dhavā, and the khadira, and the palāsa trees.' Inclusion is where one thing is enjoined as primary and another as secondary—for example: 'Go for alms, and bring the cows.' However, compounding is possible for mutual connection. In this case, mutual connection follows the distinct components of mutually dependent items—for example: 'Sāriputta and Moggallāna' (sāriputtamoggallānā)—since the components are primary, the plural is used. Aggregation is when mutually dependent items, with their component distinctions obscured, are primary as a collective—for example: 'umbrella and sandals' (chattupāhanaṃ)—since the collective is primary, the singular is used. And these aggregations and mutual connections are, by the 'variously' rule, mostly restricted to specific domains. This division of domains comes from the grammatical tradition of the canon.

Pāṇituriyayoggasenaṅgānaṃ; niccaverīnaṃ; saṃkhyāpari māṇasaññānaṃ; khuddajantukānaṃ; pacanavaddhālānaṃ; caraṇasādhāraṇānaṃ; ekjhāyanapāvacanānaṃ; liṅgavisesānaṃ; vividhaviruddhānaṃ; disānaṃ; nadīnañca; niccaṃ samāhārekatthaṃ bhavati.

Of the parts of living beings, musical instruments, yokes, and armies; of perpetual enemies; of terms for number and measure; of small creatures; of names of certain professions; of those who share a common practice; of names of scriptures studied together; of distinctions of gender; of various opposites; of directions; and of rivers—these are always compounded as a single collective (samāhāra).

Tiṇarukkhapasusakuṇadhanadhaññavyañjanajanapadānaṃvā aññe samitarītarayogova.

For grasses, trees, cattle, birds, wealth, grain, seasonings, and districts, the compounding is optional (either samāhāra or itarītarayoga). For others, it is only mutual connection (itarītarayoga).

Pāṇyaṅgānaṃ–-cakkhusotaṃ; mukhanāsika; hanugīvaṃ; chavi maṃsalohitaṃ; nāmarūpaṃ; jarāmaraṇaṃ;–-turiyaṅgānaṃ–-alasatāḷambaraṃ;murajagomukhaṃ; saṃkhadeddhimaṃ; [ ] maddavikapāṇavikaṃ; gītavādataṃ?Sammatāḷaṃ–-yoggaṅgānaṃ–-phālapācanaṃ; yuganaṅgalaṃ–-senaṅgānaṃ–-asisattitomarapiṇḍaṃ;[ ] asicammaṃ; bīḷāramūsikaṃ; kākolūkaṃ; nāgasupaṇṇaṃ–-saṃkhyāparimāṇa saññānaṃ–-ekakadukaṃ, dukatikaṃ; tikacatukkaṃ, catukkapañcakaṃ; dasekādasakaṃ –- khuddajantukānaṃ–-kīṭapaṭaṅgaṃ; kutthakipillikaṃ; ḍaṃsamakasaṃ; makkhikakipillikaṃ–-pavanavaddhālānaṃ–-orarabgikasukarikaṃ; sākuntikamāgavikaṃ;sapākavaddhālaṃ;vena

Of parts of living beings: eye and ear (cakkhusotaṃ); mouth and nose (mukhanāsikaṃ); jaw and neck (hanugīvaṃ); skin, flesh, and blood (chavimaṃsalohitaṃ); name and form (nāmarūpaṃ); aging and death (jarāmaraṇaṃ). Of parts of a musical ensemble: a type of cymbal and drum (ālasatāḷambaraṃ); the muraja-drum and the gomukha-horn (murajagomukhaṃ); conch and deḍḍima-drum (saṅkhadeḍḍimaṃ); players of the maddavi and pāṇavi drums (maddavikapāṇavikaṃ); singing and instrumental music (gītavāditaṃ); cymbals and rhythm (sammatāḷaṃ). Of parts of a yoke: plowshare and goad (phālapācanaṃ); yoke and plow (yuganaṅgalaṃ). Of parts of an army: sword, spear, javelin, and club (asisattitomarapiṇḍaṃ); sword and shield (asicammaṃ). Of perpetual enemies: cat and mouse (biḷāramūsikaṃ); crow and owl (kākolūkaṃ); serpent and garuḍa (nāgasupaṇṇaṃ). Of terms for number: one and two (ekakadukaṃ), two and three (dukatikaṃ); three and four (tikacatukkaṃ), four and five (catukkapañcakaṃ); ten and eleven (dasekādasakaṃ). Of small creatures: insect and moth (kīṭapaṭaṅgaṃ); louse and ant (kutthakipillikaṃ); gadfly and mosquito (ḍaṃsamakasaṃ); fly and ant (makkhikakipillikaṃ). Of certain professions: sheep-butcher and pig-butcher (orabbhikasūkarikaṃ); fowler and deer-hunter (sākuntikamāgavikaṃ); dog-cooker and...

Rathakāraṃ; pukkusachavaḍāhakaṃ–-caraṇasādhāraṇānaṃ–-atisabhāradvājaṃ; kaṭhakālāpaṃ; sīlapaññāṇaṃ; samathavipassanaṃ; vijjācaraṇaṃ–-ekajjhāyanapāvacanānaṃ–-dīghamajjhimaṃ; ekuttarasaṃyuttakaṃ; khandhakavibhaṅgaṃ–-liṅgavisesānaṃ–-itthipumaṃ; dāsidāsaṃ; cīvarapiṇḍapātasenāsanagilānapaccayabhesajjapararikkhāraṃ; tiṇakaṭṭhasākhāpalāsaṃ; ‘‘lābhī hoti cīvarapiṇḍapātasenāsanagilānapaccayabhesajjaparikkhārāna‘‘ntipi dissati–-vividhaviruddhānaṃ–-kusalākusalaṃ; sāvajjānavajjaṃ; hīnappaṇitaṃ; kaṇbhasukkaṃ; chekapāpakaṃ; adharuttaraṃ–-disānaṃ–-pubbāparaṃ; dakkhiṇuttaraṃ; pubbadakkhiṇaṃ; pubbuttaraṃ; apara dakkhiṇaṃ; aparuttaraṃ–-nadīnaṃ–-gaṅgāyamunaṃ, mahīsarabhu.

...bamboo-worker and chariot-maker (venarathakāraṃ); scavenger and corpse-burner (pukkusachavaḍāhakaṃ). Of those who share a common practice: the Atisabhāradvāja school (atisabhāradvājaṃ); the Kaṭhakālāpa school (kaṭhakālāpaṃ); virtue and wisdom (sīlapaññāṇaṃ); serenity and insight (samathavipassanaṃ); knowledge and conduct (vijjācaraṇaṃ). Of names of scriptures studied together: the Dīgha and Majjhima Nikāyas (dīghamajjhimaṃ); the Ekuttara and Saṃyutta Nikāyas (ekuttarasaṃyuttakaṃ); the Khandhaka and Vibhaṅga (khandhakavibhaṅgaṃ). Of distinctions of gender: female and male (itthipumaṃ); female slave and male slave (dāsidāsaṃ). Of groups of related items: robes, almsfood, lodging, and medicinal requisites for the sick (cīvarapiṇḍapātasenāsanagilānapaccayabhesajjaparikkhāraṃ); grass, wood, branches, and leaves (tiṇakaṭṭhasākhāpalāsaṃ). However, the plural form is also seen, as in: 'He is a gainer of robes, almsfood, lodging, and medicinal requisites for the sick' (lābhī hoti cīvarapiṇḍapātasenāsanagilānapaccayabhesajjaparikkhārānaṃ). Of various opposites: wholesome and unwholesome (kusalākusalaṃ); blameworthy and blameless (sāvajjānavajjaṃ); inferior and superior (hīnappaṇītaṃ); dark and bright (kaṇhasukkaṃ); clever and wicked (chekapāpakaṃ); lower and higher (adharuttaraṃ). Of directions: east and west (pubbāparaṃ); south and north (dakkhiṇuttaraṃ); south-east (pubbadakkhiṇaṃ); north-east (pubbuttaraṃ); south-west (aparadakkhiṇaṃ); north-west (aparuttaraṃ). Of rivers: the Gaṅgā and Yamunā (gaṅgāyamunaṃ); the Mahī and Sarabhū (mahīsarabhū).

Tiṇavisesānaṃ–-kāsakusaṃ, kāsakusā; usīrabīraṇaṃ, usī rabīraṇā; mujababbajaṃ, muñjababbajā–-rukkhavasesānaṃ–-khadirapalāsaṃ, khadirapalāsā; dhavāssakaṇṇaṃ, dhavāssakaṇṇā; pilakkhanigrodhaṃ, pilakkhanagrodhā; assatthakapitthanaṃ, assattha kapitthanā; sākasālaṃ, sākasālā–-pasuvisesānaṃ–-gaja gavajaṃ,gajagavajā; govahisaṃ, gomahisā;eṇeyyagomahisaṃ, eṇeyyagomahisā; eṇeyyavarāhaṃ, eṇeyyavarāhā; aje

Of types of grasses: kāsa and kusa grass (kāsakusaṃ or kāsakusā); usīra and bīraṇa grass (usīrabīraṇaṃ or usīrabīraṇā); muñja and babbaja grass (muñjababbajaṃ or muñjababbajā). Of types of trees: khadira and palāsa trees (khadirapalāsaṃ or khadirapalāsā); dhava and assakaṇṇa trees (dhavāssakaṇṇaṃ or dhavāssakaṇṇā); pilakkha and nigrodha trees (pilakkhanigrodhaṃ or pilakkhanigrodhā); assattha and kapitthana trees (assatthakapitthanaṃ or assatthakapitthanā); sāka and sāla trees (sākasālaṃ or sākasālā). Of types of animals: elephant and gavaya (gajagavajaṃ or gajagavajā); cow and buffalo (gomahisaṃ or gomahisā); antelope and buffalo (eṇeyyagomahisaṃ or eṇeyyagomahisā); antelope and boar (eṇeyyavarāhaṃ or eṇeyyavarāhā); goat and...

Ḷakaṃ, ajeḷakā; kukkurasūkaraṃ, kukkurasūkarā; hatthigavāssa vaḷavaṃ, hatthigavāssavaḷavā–-sakuṇavisesānaṃ–-haṃsabalāvaṃ, haṃsabalāvā; kāraṇḍavavakkavākaṃ, kāraṇḍavavakkavākā; bakabalākaṃ, bakabalākā–-dhanānaṃ–-hiraññasuvaṇṇaṃ, hirañña suvaṇṇā;maṇisaṃkhamuttāvephaphariyaṃ, maṇisaṃkhamuttāveḷuriyā; jātarūparajataṃ, jātarūparajatā–-dhaññānaṃ–-sāliyavakaṃ, sāliyavakā; tilamuggamāsaṃ, tilamaggamāsā; nipphāvakulatthaṃ, nipphāvakulatthā–-byañjanānaṃ–-sākasuvaṃ, sākasuvā; gabyamāhisaṃ, gabyamāhisā; eṇeyyavārāhaṃ, eṇeyyavārāhā; migamāyūraṃ, migamāyūrā–-janapadānaṃ–kāsikosalaṃ, kāsikosalā; vajjimallaṃ, vajjimallā; cetivīsaṃ, cetivīsā; macchasurasenaṃ, macchasūrasenā; kurupañcālaṃ, kurupañcālā.

Goat and sheep, goats and sheep; dog and pig, dogs and pigs; elephant, cow, horse, and mare, elephants, cows, horses, and mares. Of types of birds: goose and crane, geese and cranes; duck and ruddy shelduck, ducks and ruddy shelducks; stork and heron, storks and herons. Of wealth: unwrought and wrought gold, unwrought and wrought gold; gems, conch shells, pearls, and beryl, gems, conch shells, pearls, and beryl; gold and silver, gold and silver. Of grains: rice and barley, rice and barley; sesame, mung beans, and kidney beans, sesame, mung beans, and kidney beans; field peas and horse gram, field peas and horse gram. Of seasonings: vegetables and curries, vegetables and curries; beef and buffalo meat, beef and buffalo meat; antelope and boar meat, antelope and boar meat; deer and peacock meat, deer and peacock meat. Of countries: Kāsi and Kosala, Kāsi and Kosala; Vajji and Malla, Vajji and Malla; Ceti and Vaṃsa, Ceti and Vaṃsa; Maccha and Sūrasena, Maccha and Sūrasena; Kuru and Pañcāla, Kuru and Pañcāla.

Itarītarayogo-yathā-vandimasūriyā, samaṇabrāhmaṇā, mātāpitaro, iccādi, etasmiṃ ekatthibhāvakaṇḍe yaṃ vuttaṃ pubbaṃ tadeva pubbaṃ nipatati kamātikkame payojanābhāvā kvavi vipallāso’pi hoti bahulādhikārato.’ Dantānaṃ rājā’ rājadanto. Katthaci kamampaccanādarā pubbakālassāpi paranipāto. Littavāsito, naggamusito, sittasammaṭṭho, bhaṭṭhaluñcito–-catthe yadekatthaṃ tattha keci pubbapadaṃ bahudhā niyamenti tadiha vyabhivāradassanā na vuttanti daṭṭhabbaṃ.

Mutual connection—for example, 'moon and sun,' 'ascetics and brahmins,' 'mother and father,' and so on. In this section on unity of meaning, what was stated earlier falls first, as there is no purpose in transgressing the order, though sometimes inversion also occurs due to predominance. 'King of teeth' (dantānaṃ rājā) becomes 'rājadanto' (king-tooth). In some instances, due to disregard for sequence, even the term for the prior action is placed second. For example: 'smeared and perfumed,' 'naked and robbed,' 'sprinkled and swept,' 'roasted and plucked.' When there is a single meaning in the sense of 'ca' (and), some regulate the first member in many ways; this is not stated here, it should be understood, because exceptions are seen.

Samāhāre sapuṃsakaṃ-.

In an aggregation, it is neuter.

Vatthe samāhāre yadekatthaṃ tannapuṃsakaliṅgamhavati; tathā vevodāhaṭaṃ–-katthaci na hoti sabhāparisāyāti ñāpakā; ādhi paccaparivāro; chandapārisuddhi; paṭisandhippavattiyaṃ.

When there is a single meaning in an aggregation, it becomes neuter gender. Thus it is exemplified. Sometimes it does not occur, as indicated by 'sabhāparisāya' (assembly and council). Examples: 'ādhipaccaparivāro' (sovereignty and retinue); 'chandapārisuddhi' (purity of consent); 'paṭisandhippavattiyaṃ' (in rebirth-linking and continuity).

Saṃkhyādi-.

Beginning with a number.

Ekatthe samāhāre saṃkhyādi napuṃsakaliṅgambhavati; pañcagavaṃ; catuppathaṃ–-samāhārassekattā ekavacanameva hoti; samāhāretveva-pañcakapālo, pūvo; tiputto.

In an aggregation with a single meaning, a compound beginning with a number becomes neuter gender. For example: 'pañcagavaṃ' (an aggregate of five cows); 'catuppathaṃ' (a crossroads). Due to the singularity of the aggregation, it is always in the singular number. This applies only to an aggregation; for example, 'pañcakapālo pūvo' (a cake made with five measures), 'tiputto' (a father of three sons).

Kvacekattañca chaṭṭhiyā-.

And sometimes singularity in a genitive compound.

Chaṭṭhiyekatthe kvaci napuṃsakattaṃ hotekattañca;’salabhānaṃ chāyā’ salahacchāyaṃ; evaṃ’sakuntānaṃ chāyā’ sakuntacchāyaṃ;

In a genitive compound with a single meaning, there is sometimes neuter gender and singularity. For example: 'salabhānaṃ chāyā' (the shade of the locusts) becomes 'salabhacchāyaṃ' (locust-shade); similarly, 'sakuntānaṃ chāyā' (the shade of the birds) becomes 'sakuntacchāyaṃ' (bird-shade).

Pāsādacchāyayaṃ, pāsādacchāyayā; gharacchāyayaṃ, gharacchāyā. Amanussā sabhāya napuṃsakekattambhavati; brahmasabhaṃ; devasabhaṃ; indasabhaṃ; yakkhasabhaṃ; sarabhasabhaṃ–-manussasabhāyaṃ–-khattiyasabhā, rājasabhā iccevamādi–-kvacīti kiṃ?Rājapuriso.

(Counter-examples:) 'pāsādacchāyayaṃ' (in the palace-shade), 'pāsādacchāyayā'; 'gharacchāyayaṃ' (in the house-shade), 'gharacchāyā'. A compound ending in 'sabhā' (assembly) preceded by a word for a non-human becomes neuter singular: 'brahmasabhaṃ' (Brahmā's assembly); 'devasabhaṃ' (devas' assembly); 'indasabhaṃ' (Indra's assembly); 'yakkhasabhaṃ' (yakkha's assembly); 'sarabhasabhaṃ' (sarabha's assembly). In the case of a human assembly, it remains feminine: 'khattiyasabhā' (warrior assembly), 'rājasabhā' (royal assembly), and so on. Why 'sometimes' (in the previous rule)? For example, 'rājapuriso' (king's man).

Syādisu rasso-.

Before case endings, a short vowel.

Napuṃsake vattamānassa rasso hoti syādisu; salabhacchāyaṃ–-syādisūti-kiṃ?Salabhacchāye.

Of a word that is neuter, the final vowel is shortened before the case endings. For example: 'salabhacchāyaṃ' (locust-shade). Why 'before case endings'? For example, 'salabhacchāye' (in the locust-shade).

Ghapassāntassāppadhānassa-.

Of a non-primary final member designated 'gha' or 'pa'.

Antabhutassāppadhānassaghapassasyādisurassohoti; bahumālo, poso; nikkosambi; ativāmoru–-antassāti-kiṃ? Kaññāpiyo; appadhānassāti-kiṃ? Rājakumārī; brahmabandhū.

Of a non-primary final member designated 'gha' or 'pa', the final vowel is shortened before the case endings. Examples: 'bahumālo poso' (a man with many garlands); 'nikkosambi' (he who has departed from Kosambī); 'ativāmoru' (one with exceedingly beautiful thighs). Why 'final member'? For example, 'kaññāpiyo' (beloved of a maiden). Why 'non-primary'? For example, 'rājakumārī' (a princess); 'brahmabandhū' (a kinswoman of a brahmin).

Gossu-.

For 'go', 'u'.

Antabhutassāppadhānassa gossa syādisu u hoti; cittagu–-appadhānassātveva - sugo;antassātvecagokulaṃ.

For the non-primary final member 'go' (cow), 'u' occurs before the case endings. Example: 'cittagu' (one who has a brindled cow). This applies only to a non-primary member; for example, 'sugo' (a good cow). And only to a final member; for example, 'gokulaṃ' (a herd of cows).

Itthiyamatvā-.

In the feminine, from an a-stem, ā.

Itthiyaṃ vattamānato akārantato nāmasmā āppaccayo hoti, dhammadinnā.

From a noun ending in 'a' and denoting the feminine, the suffix 'ā' is applied. For example: Dhammadinnā.

Nadādito ṇḍī-.

From 'nadī' and so on, 'ṇī'.

Nadādīhi itthiyaṃ ṇḍīppaccayo hoti; nadī, mahī, kumārī, taruṇī, vāruṇī, gotamī.

From the 'nadī' group, in the feminine, the affix 'ī' (ṇī) occurs: 'nadī' (river), 'mahī' (earth), 'kumārī' (maiden), 'taruṇī' (young woman), 'vāruṇī' (Vāruṇī), 'gotamī' (Gotamī).

Goto vā().

From 'go', optionally.

Gāvī, go; ākatigaṇo’yaṃ–-ṅakāro ‘‘ntantunaṃ ṅimhi to vā‘‘ti. Visesanattho.

'Gāvī,' 'go' (cow). This is an open class of words. The letter 'ṅ' in the rule 'ntantunaṃ ṅimhi to vā' is for the purpose of specification.

Yakkhādittvitī ca-.

From 'yakkha' and so on, 'inī' and 'ī' also.

Yakkhādito itthiyaminī hoti ṅī ca; yakkhinī, yakkhi; nāginī, nāgī; sīhinī, sīhī.

From 'yakkha' and so on, in the feminine, 'inī' and 'ī' occur: 'yakkhinī,' 'yakkhī' (female yakkha); 'nāginī,' 'nāgī' (female nāga); 'sīhinī,' 'sīhī' (lioness).

Ārāmikādīhi-.

From 'ārāmika' and so on.

Ārāmikādito inī hotitthiyaṃ; ārāmikinī; anantarāsikinī; rājinī.

From 'ārāmika' and so on, 'inī' occurs in the feminine: 'ārāmikinī' (female monastery attendant); 'anantarāsikinī' (female personal attendant); 'rājinī' (queen).

Saññāyaṃ mānuso().

From 'mānusa', in the sense of a proper name.

Mānusinī; aññatra mānusī.

'Mānusinī' (as a proper name); otherwise, 'mānusī' (a human female).

Yuvaṇṇohi nī-.

From words ending in 'i' or 'u', 'nī'.

Itthiyamivaṇṇuvaṇṇantehi nī hoti bahulaṃ; sadāpayata pāṇinī; daṇḍinī; khattabandhunī; paracittavidunī–-mātu ādito kasmā na hoti? Itthippaccayaṃ vināpi itthattāhi dhānato.

In the feminine, from words ending in 'i' or 'u', the suffix 'ī' (nī) occurs frequently: 'sadāpayatapāṇinī' (she who always has outstretched hands); 'daṇḍinī' (a female ascetic bearing a staff); 'khattabandhunī' (a kinswoman of a warrior); 'paracittavidunī' (a woman who knows others' minds). Why does it not occur from 'mātu' (mother) and so on? Because their femininity is established by denotation, even without a feminine suffix.

Ktimhāññatthe-.

From 'kti', in another meaning.

Ktimhāññattheyeva itthiyaṃ nī hoti bahulaṃ; sāhaṃ ahiṃsāratinī; tassā muṭṭhassatiniyā; sā vacchagiddhinī–-aññattheti-kiṃ? Dhammarati.

After the suffix -kti, only in other meanings, the suffix -nī frequently occurs in the feminine: ahiṃsāratinī (she who delights in non-harming); muṭṭhassatinī (she who is forgetful); vacchagiddhinī (she who is greedy for offspring). What is the purpose of 'in other meanings'? [To exclude cases such as] Dhammarati.

Gharaṇyādayo-.

Gharaṇī and so on.

Gharaṇīppabhutayo nīppaccayantā sādhavo bhavanti; gharaṇī; pokkharaṇī; īssattaṃ nipātanā.

Words such as gharaṇī, ending with the suffix -nī, are correct forms: gharaṇī (housewife); pokkharaṇī (lotus pond). The long ī is by irregular formation.

Ācariyā vā yalopo ca(); ācarinī; ācariyā.

Alternatively, [the feminine of ācariya is] ācariyā, and there is also elision of ya [yielding ācarinī]: ācarinī (female teacher); ācariyā (female teacher).

Mātulāditvānī bhariyāyaṃ-.

From mātula and so on, the suffix -ānī [is used] in the sense of 'wife'.

Mātulādito bhariyāyamānī hoti; mātulānī; varuṇānī; gahapatānī; ācariyānī.

From mātula and so on, the suffix -ānī occurs in the sense of 'wife'; for example, mātulānī (wife of a maternal uncle); varuṇānī (wife of Varuṇa); gahapatānī (wife of a householder); ācariyānī (wife of a teacher).

Abhariyāyaṃ khattiyā vā() khattiyānī; khattiyā –-nadā dīpāṭhā bhariyāyantu khattiyī.

When not in the sense of 'wife', the feminine of khattiya is optionally khattiyā or khattiyānī (a Khattiya woman). But in the sense of 'wife', the form is khattiyī.

Upamāsaṃhitasahitasaññatasahasaphavāmalakkhaṇāditurutu-.

After upamā, saṃhita, sahita, saññata, saha, sapha, vāma, lakkhaṇa, and so on, with ūru.

Ūrusaddā upamānādipubbā itthiyamū hoti; karahorū; saṃhitorū; sahitorū; saññatorū; sahorū; saphorū; vāmo rū; lakkhaṇorū–-’ū’ti-yogavibhāgā ū; brahmabandhu.

The word ūru, when preceded by upamāna and so on, takes a final ū in the feminine; for example: karahorū, saṃhitorū, sahitorū, saññatorū, sahorū, saphorū, vāmorū, lakkhaṇorū. By splitting the rule to just 'ū', this applies elsewhere, for example, to form brahmabandhū.

Yuvāti -.

From yuvan, -ti.

Yuvasaddatoti hotitthiyaṃ; yuvati.

From the word yuvan, the suffix -ti occurs in the feminine; for example, yuvati (a young woman).

Ntantunaṃ ṅīmhi to vā-.

For stems ending in -nt and -ntu, there is optionally a t [augment] before -ṅī.

Ṅīmhi ntantunaṃ to vā hoti; gacchatī, gacchantī; sīlavatī, sīlavantī.

When the suffix -ṅī follows, for stems ending in -nt and -ntu, there is optionally a t [augment]; for example, gacchatī or gacchantī (going); sīlavatī or sīlavantī (virtuous).

Bhavato bhoto-.

For bhavant, [the substitute is] bhot.

Ṅīmhi bhavato bhotādeso hoti vā; bhotī; bhavantī.

When the suffix -ṅī follows, for bhavant, the substitution bhot optionally occurs; for example, bhotī or bhavantī (venerable lady).

Gossāvaṅi-.

For go, [the substitute is] āva before -ṅī.

Gosaddassa ṅīmhāvaṅi hoti; gāvī.

For the word go, the substitute āva occurs before the suffix -ṅī; for example, gāvī (cow).

Puthussapathavaputhavā-.

For puthu, [the substitutes are] pathava and puthava.

Ṅīmhi puthussa pathavaputhavā honti; pathavī; puthavī.–-Ṭhe pathavī.

When the suffix -ṅī follows, for puthu, the substitutes pathava and puthava occur, yielding pathavī (earth) and puthavī (earth). Also, pathavī is formed with the suffix -ṭha.

Samāsantva-

The end of a compound is a.

Samāsanto a iti vādhikarīyanti.

The rule 'the end of a compound is a' is now authoritative.

Pāpādīhi bhumiyā-.

After pāpa and so on, for bhūmi.

Pāpādīhi parā yā bhumi tassā samāsanto a hoti; pāpa bhumiṃ; jātibhumaṃ.

For the word bhūmi that follows pāpa and so on, the end of the compound becomes a; for example, pāpabhumaṃ (evil realm); jātibhumaṃ (realm of birth).

Saṃkhyāhi-.

After numerals.

Saṃkhyāhi parā yā bhumi tassā samāsanto a hoti; dvibhumaṃ; tibhumaṃ

For the word bhūmi that follows a numeral, the end of the compound becomes a; for example, dvibhumaṃ (twofold realm); tibhumaṃ (threefold realm).

Nadīgodāvarīnaṃ-.

For nadī and godāvarī.

Saṃkhyāhi parāsaṃ nadīgodāvarīnaṃ samāsanto a hoti; pañcanadaṃ, sattagodāvaraṃ.

For nadī and godāvarī that follow a numeral, the end of the compound becomes a; for example, pañcanadaṃ (the five rivers); sattagodāvaraṃ (the seven Godāvarīs).

Asaṃkhyehi cāṅgulyānaññāsaṃkhyatthesu-.

After non-numerals and numerals, for aṅgulī, [the ending becomes a], but not when the meaning is another thing or a non-numeral.

Asaṃkhyehi saṃkhyāhi ca parāya aṅgulyā samāsanto ahoti no ce aññapadatthe asaṃkhyattheva samāso vattite.’Niggatamaṅgulīhi’ niraṅgulaṃ; accaṅgulaṃ; dve aṅguliyo samāhaṭā’dvaṅgulaṃ–-anaññāsaṃkhyatthesūti-kiṃ? Pañcaṅgulihattho; upaṅguli–-kathaṃ, dvñaṅgulī pamāṇamassāti dvaṅgulanti-nātu samāso’ññapadatthe vihito mattādīnaṃ lope kate tatthavattate; aṅgulasaddovā pamāṇavācīsaddantaraṃ–-yathāsenāṅgulappamāṇena aṅgulānaṃ sataṃ puṇṇaṃ catuddasa vā aṅgulānīti.

For aṅgulī that follows non-numerals and numerals, the end of the compound becomes a, provided the compound does not have the meaning of another word or of a non-numeral. For example: niraṅgulaṃ ('devoid of fingers'); accaṅgulaṃ ('beyond a finger'); dvaṅgulaṃ ('a collection of two fingers'). What is the purpose of stating 'not in the meaning of another or a non-numeral'? [To exclude cases like] pañcaṅgulihattho ('a hand with five fingers') or upaṅguli ('near the finger'). How then is dvaṅgulaṃ formed when it means 'that which has a measure of two fingers'? This is not a compound having the meaning of another word; it is used in that sense after the elision of words like 'measure'. Alternatively, the word aṅgula is another word that denotes measure, as in: 'senāṅgulappamāṇena aṅgulānaṃ sataṃ puṇṇaṃ' ('a hundred fingers full by the senāṅgula measure') or 'catuddasa vā aṅgulāni' ('or fourteen fingers').

Dīghāhovassekadesehi ca ratyā-.

And for ratti, after dīgha, ahan, vassa, and ekadesa.

Dīghādīhi asaṃkhyehi saṃkhyāhi ca parāya rattiyā samāsanto a hoti; dīgharattaṃ; ahorattaṃ; vassārattaṃ; pubbarattaṃ; apararattaṃ; aḍḍharattaṃ;’atikkanto rattiṃ’ atiratto;’dve rattī samāhaṭā’ dvirattaṃ–-vā kvaci bahulādhikārāekarattaṃ; ekaratti–-anaññāsaṃkhyatthesutveva-dīgharatti, hemanto; uparatti–-kvaci hoteva bahulaṃ vidhānā;yathārattaṃ.

When `ratti` (night) follows `dīgha` (long) and similar words, or words denoting uncountable or countable numbers, its compound ending becomes `a`; for example, `dīgharattaṃ` (long night), `ahorattaṃ` (day and night), `vassārattaṃ` (rainy night), `pubbarattaṃ` (first part of the night), `apararattaṃ` (last part of the night), `aḍḍharattaṃ` (midnight). 'One who has passed the night' becomes `atiratto`; 'two nights brought together' becomes `dvirattaṃ`. Or sometimes, due to the prevalence of the rule, `ekarattaṃ` or `ekaratti` (one night). However, in meanings that are not another referent or a number, it remains [unchanged], for example, `dīgharatti` (in the sense of winter); `uparatti` (near night). Sometimes it occurs frequently by rule; for example, `yathārattaṃ` (according to the night).

Gotvacatthe cālope-.

For `go` and `tvac`, and in the absence of elision.

Gosaddā alopavisayā samāsanto ahoti na ve vatthe samāso aññapadatthe asaṃkhyyatthe ca; rājagavo; paramagavora pañcagavadhano; dasagavaṃ–-alopeti-kiṃ?Pañcahi gohi kīto pañcagu; acattheti-kiṃ? Ajassagāvo –-anaññāsaṃkhyatthesutveva-cittagu;upagu.

For the word `go`, in contexts where elision does not occur, the compound ending becomes `a`. For example, `rājagavo` (royal cow), `paramagavo` (supreme cow), `pañcagavadhano` (one whose wealth is five cows), `dasagavaṃ` (ten cows). Why 'without elision'? (Consider) `pañcagu` (bought with five cows), where elision occurs. Why 'in the sense of another referent'? (Consider) `ajassagāvo` (goat's cows). However, in meanings that are not another referent or a number, it remains [unchanged], for example, `cittagu` (variegated cow); `upagu` (near a cow).

Rattindivadāragavacaturassā-.

The compounds `rattindiva`, `dāragava`, and `caturassa`.

Ete saddā a antā nipaccante;’ratto ca divā ca’ rattindivaṃ;’ ratti ca divā ca’rattindivaṃ;’dārā ca gāvo ca’ dāragavaṃ;’ vatasso assiyo assa’ caturasso.

These words are irregularly formed with `a` as the ending. 'Day and night' (`ratto ca divā ca`) becomes `rattindivaṃ`; 'night and day' (`ratti ca divā ca`) also becomes `rattindivaṃ`; 'wives and cows' (`dārā ca gāvo ca`) becomes `dāragavaṃ`; 'he who has four corners' (`catasso assiyo assa`) becomes `caturasso`.

Āyāme’nugavaṃ-.

The word `anugavaṃ` in the sense of length.

Anugavanti nipaccate āyāme gamyamāne; anugavaṃ, sakaṭaṃ–-āyāmeti-kiṃ? Gunnaṃ pacchā anugu.

The word `anugavaṃ` is irregularly formed when length is implied; for example, `anugavaṃ sakaṭaṃ` (a cart as long as the team of oxen). Why is 'in the sense of length' specified? Because otherwise it would be `anugu` (behind the oxen).

Akkhismāññatthe-.

For `akkhi` (eye) in another meaning.

Akkhismā samāsanto a hoti aññatthe ce samāso; visālakkho.

When `akkhi` is part of a compound that has another meaning, its compound ending becomes `a`; for example, `visālakkho` (broad-eyed).

Dārumbhyaṅgulyā-.

For `aṅgulī` (finger) in the sense of wood.

Aṅgulantā aññapadatthe dārumhi samāsanto a hoti; dvaṅgulaṃ, dāru; pañcaṅgulaṃ–-aṅgulisadisāvayavaṃ dhaññādīnaṃ vīkkhepakaṃ dārūti vuccate–-pamāṇe tu pubbe viya siddhaṃ; sakharājasaddāakārantāva, sisso’pi na dissati–-gāṇḍīvadhatvāti pakatantarenasiddhaṃ.

When `aṅgulī` is the latter part of a compound referring to another thing, and it is in the sense of wood, its compound ending becomes `a`; for example, `dvaṅgulaṃ dāru` (a two-finger-long piece of wood), `pañcaṅgulaṃ` (a five-finger-long piece of wood). A piece of wood with finger-like parts used for scattering grains and so forth is called `dāru`. However, in the sense of measure, it is established as before. (Note: The words `sakharāja` end in `a`; `sissa` is also not seen. `gāṇḍīvadhatvāti` is established by another rule).

Dvi vītihāre-.

The word `dvi` in the sense of reciprocity.

Kriyāvyatihāre gamyamāne aññapadatthe vattamānato ci hoti; kesākesi; daṇḍādaṇḍi–-cakāro’cismi’nti. visesanattho; sugandhi duggandhīti-payogo nadissate.

When reciprocity of action is implied, and the compound refers to another thing, the suffix `ci` occurs; for example, `kesākesi` (pulling each other's hair); `daṇḍādaṇḍi` (striking each other with sticks). The particle `ca` in `ci` has the meaning of a distinguishing feature. The usage of `sugandhi` and `duggandhi` is not seen in this context.

Latvitthiyūhi ko-.

The suffix `ka` for words ending in `latu`, and for `itthī` and `yū`.

Latuppaccayantehi itthiyamīkārūkārantehi cabahulaṃ kappaccayo hoti aññapadatthe; bahukattuko; bahukumāriko; bahubrahmabandhuko, bahulaṃtveva-subbhu.

For words ending in the `latu` suffix, and for feminine words ending in `ī` or `ū`, the suffix `ka` frequently occurs when the compound refers to another thing; for example, `bahukattuko` (having many doers), `bahukumāriko` (having many maidens), `bahubrahmabandhuko` (having many kinsmen of Brahmā). However, due to the prevalence of the rule, `subbhu` (beautiful-browed) occurs.

Vāññato-.

Optionally from other words.

Aññehi aññapadatthe ko vā bahulaṃ hoti; bahu mālako; bahumālo.

From other words, the suffix `ka` optionally occurs frequently when the compound refers to another thing; for example, `bahumālako` or `bahumālo` (having many garlands).

Uttarapade-.

Regarding the latter part of a compound.

Etamadhikataṃ veditabbaṃ.

This should be understood as the governing rule.

Imassidaṃ-.

The substitution of `idaṃ` for `imassa`.

Uttarapade parato imassa idaṃ hoti; idamaṭṭhitā; idappaccayā; niggahītalopo passa ca dvibhāvo.

When a latter part of a compound follows, `imassa` becomes `idaṃ`; for example, `idamaṭṭhitā` (standing on this), `idappaccayā` (conditioned by this). This involves the elision of `niggahīta` and the doubling of `pa`.

Puṃ pumassa vā-.

Optionally, `puṃ` for `pum`.

Pumassa puṃhotuttarapade vibhāsā; pulliṅgaṃ; puṃliṅgaṃ.

For `pum`, `puṃ` optionally occurs when a latter part of a compound follows; for example, `pulliṅgaṃ` or `puṃliṅgaṃ` (masculine gender).

Ṭa nnantunaṃ-.

The suffix `ṭa` for words ending in `n` and `antu`.

Esaṃ ṭa hotuttarapadekvaci vā; bhavampatiṭṭhā mayaṃ; bhāgavamamūlakā no dhammā–-bahulādhikārā tarādisu ca; pageva mahattarī; rattaññumahattaṃ.

For these, `ṭa` occurs when a latter part of a compound follows, sometimes optionally; for example, `bhavampatiṭṭhā mayaṃ` (we are established in the venerable one), `bhāgavamamūlakā no dhammā` (our teachings have the Blessed One as their root). And due to the prevalence of the rule, also in `tara` and similar suffixes; for example, `pageva mahattarī` (indeed, greater), `rattaññumahattaṃ` (the greatness of one who knows the night).

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Esaṃ a hotuttarapade; guṇavantapatiṭṭho’smi.

For these, `a` occurs when a latter part of a compound follows; for example, `guṇavantapatiṭṭho’smi` (I am established in the virtuous one).

[Hhva page ]

Manādyāpādīnamo maye ca-.

`o` for `mana`, etc., and `āpa`, etc., and before `maya`.

Manādīnamāpādīnañca o hotuttarapade maye ca; mano seṭṭhā; manomayā; rajojallaṃ; rajomayaṃ; āpogataṃ; āpomayaṃ; anuyanti disodisaṃ.

For `mana` and similar words, and for `āpa` and similar words, `o` occurs when a latter part of a compound follows, and also before the suffix `maya`; for example, `mano seṭṭhā` (mind is supreme), `manomayā` (mind-made); `rajojallaṃ` (dust and dirt), `rajomayaṃ` (made of dust); `āpogataṃ` (gone to water), `āpomayaṃ` (made of water); `disodisaṃ` (in every direction).

Parassasaṃkhyāsu-.

For `para` in numbers.

Saṃkhyāsuttarapadesu parassa o hoti; parosataṃ, parosahassaṃ–-saṃkhyāsūti-kiṃ?Paradattupajīvino.

When a numeral is the latter member of a compound, `para` becomes `o`; for example, `parosataṃ` (beyond a hundred), `parosahassaṃ` (beyond a thousand). Why [the specification] 'when a numeral [is the latter member]'? Consider `paradattupajīvino` (those who live on what is given by others).

Jane uttarapade phuthassa u hoti; ariyehi puthagevāyaṃ janoti puthujjano.

When `jana` (person) is the latter member of a compound, `puthu` becomes `u`; for example, `puthujjano` (an ordinary person), from the explanation: 'this person is separate from the noble ones'.

So chassāhāyatane vā-.

`cha` optionally becomes `so` before `aha` and `āyatana`.

Ahe āyatane vuttarapade chassa so vā hoti; sāhaṃ, chāhaṃ; saḷāyatanaṃ, chaḷāyatanaṃ.

When `aha` (day) or `āyatana` (sense-base) is the latter member of a compound, `cha` (six) optionally becomes `so`; for example, `sāhaṃ` or `chāhaṃ` (six days); `saḷāyatanaṃ` or `chaḷāyatanaṃ` (the six sense-bases).

Ltupitādīnamāraṅaraṅi-.

The substitutions `āraṅ` and `araṅi` for words ending in `-tu` and for `pitu`, etc.

Latuppaccayantānaṃ pitādīnañca yathākkamamāraṅaraṅi vā hontuttarapade; satthāradassanaṃ; kattāraniddeso; mārata pitaro–-vātveva-satthudassanaṃ; mātāpitaro.

For words ending in the `-tu` suffix and for `pitu` (father) and similar words, `āraṅ` and `araṅi` optionally become the substitutes respectively when a latter member follows; for example, `satthāradassanaṃ` (sight of the teacher), `kattāraniddeso` (instruction of the doer), `mātarapitaro` (mother and father). Since it is optional, `satthudassanaṃ` (sight of the teacher) and `mātāpitaro` (mother and father) also occur.

Vijjāyonisambāndhanamā tatra catthe-.

The substitution `ā` for those related by knowledge and birth, in that context, and in the sense of 'and'.

Latupitādīnaṃ vijjāsambandhīnaṃ yonisambandhīnañca tesveva latupitādisu vijjāyonisambandhisuttarapadesu catthavisaye ā hoti; hotāpotāro; mātāpitaro–-latupitādīnantvevaputtabhātaro; tatreti-kiṃ? Pitupitāmahā; cattheti-kiṃ; mātu bhātā; vijjāyonisambandhānanti-kiṃ?Dātubhātaro.

For words ending in the `-tu` suffix and for `pitu` and similar words, when they are related by knowledge or birth, `ā` is the substitute when a latter member of the same class and relationship follows, in the sense of a copulative compound; for example, `hotāpotāro` (the hotṛ and potṛ priests), `mātāpitaro` (mother and father). Why [the specification] 'words ending in `-tu` and `pitu`, etc.'? Consider `puttabhātaro` (son and brother). Why 'in that context'? Consider `pitupitāmahā` (father and grandfather). Why 'in the sense of 'and''? Consider `mātu bhātā` (mother's brother). Why 'related by knowledge and birth'? Consider `dātubhātaro` (giver and brother).

Putte-.

When `putta` follows.

Putte uttarapade vatthavisaye latupitādīnaṃvijjāyoni sambandhānamā hoti; pitāputtā; mātāputtā.

When `putta` is the latter member of a compound, `ā` is the substitute for words ending in the `-tu` suffix and for `pitu` and similar words related by birth or knowledge; for example, `pitāputtā` (father and son), `mātāputtā` (mother and son).

Cismiṃ-.

When the suffix `ci` follows.

Cippaccayante uttarapade ā hoti; kesākesi; muṭṭhāmuṭṭhi.

When a word ending in the suffix `ci` is the latter member of a compound, the preceding vowel is substituted by `ā`; for example, `kesākesi` (pulling each other's hair), `muṭṭhāmuṭṭhi` (fighting with fists).

Itthiyamhāsitapumitthi pumevekatthe-.

A feminine word that has a masculine form is treated as masculine when compounded with another feminine word, if they refer to a single entity.

Itthiyaṃ vattamāne ekatthe samānādhikaraṇe uttarapade pare bhāsitapumā itthi pumeva hoti; kurabhariyo; dīgha

When a feminine word follows as the latter member of an appositional compound referring to a single entity, a preceding feminine word that has a corresponding masculine form is treated as masculine; for example, `kurūbhariyā` (a wife from the Kuru country), `dīgha-

Jaṅgho; yuvajāyo–-itthiyanti-kiṃ?’Kalyāṇī padhānamesaṃ’ kalyyāṇippadhānā; bhāsitapumeti- kiṃ? Kaññābhariyo; itthiti-kiṃ? Gāmaṇikulaṃ diṭṭhi assa’ gāmaṇidiṭṭhi; ekattheti-kiṃ?’Kalyāṇiyā mātā’ kalyāṇīmātā.

`-jaṅghā` (a long-legged woman), `yuvajāyā` (a young wife). Why [the condition] 'when feminine'? Consider: '`Kalyāṇī` is foremost among them' becomes `kalyāṇippadhānā`. Why 'that has a masculine form'? Consider `kaññābhariyā` (a wife who is a maiden). Why 'feminine' [for the first member]? Consider `gāmaṇikulaṃ` (the headman's family). Why 'referring to a single entity'? Consider: '`Kalyāṇiyā`'s mother' becomes `kalyāṇīmātā`.

Kvacippaccaye-.

Sometimes, when a suffix follows.

Bhāsitapumitthi paccaye kvaci pumeva hoti; vyattatarā, vyattatamā.

A feminine word that has a corresponding masculine form is sometimes treated as masculine before a suffix; for example, `vyattatarā` (more skilled, feminine), `vyattatamā` (most skilled, feminine).

Sabbādayo vuttimatte-.

Words beginning with `sabba`, in a compound or derivative form.

Itthivācakā sabbādayo vuttimatte pumeva honti; tassā mukhaṃ’ tammukhaṃ; tassaṃ tatra; tāya tato; tassaṃvelāyaṃ tadā.

Feminine forms of words beginning with `sabba` are treated as masculine in a compound or derivative form; for example, `tammukhaṃ` (that face) from `tassā mukhaṃ` (her face); `tatra` (there) from `tassaṃ` (in her); `tato` (from that) from `tāya` (by her); `tadā` (then) from `tassaṃ velāyaṃ` (at that time).

Chāyāya jayaṃ patimhi-.

`jayaṃ` is the substitute for `jāyā` when `pati` follows.

Patimhi pare jāyāya jayaṃ hoti; jayampatī–-jānipatītipakatantarena siddhaṃ; tathā dampatī jampatīti.

When `pati` (husband) follows, `jāyā` (wife) becomes `jayaṃ`; for example, `jayampatī` (husband and wife). The form `jānipatī` is established by another grammatical system. Similarly, `dampatī` and `jampatī` (husband and wife) also occur.

Saññāyamudodakassa-.

`uda` is the substitute for `udaka` in a designation.

Saññāyamudakassuttarapade udādeso hoti; udadhī; udapānaṃ.

In a designation, `uda` is the substitute for `udaka` when a latter member follows; for example, `udadhī` (ocean), `udapānaṃ` (well).

Kumbhādisuvā-.

Optionally when `kumbha` and similar words follow.

Kumbhādasuttarapadesu udakassa udādeso vā hoti; udakumbho, udakakumbho; udapatto, udakapatto; udabindu, ukabindu–-ākatigaṇo’yaṃ.

When `kumbha` and similar words follow as the latter member, `uda` is optionally the substitute for `udaka`; for example, `udakumbho` or `udakakumbho` (water pot); `udapatto` or `udakapatto` (water bowl); `udabindu` or `udakabindu` (water drop). This is a class of words determined by usage.

Sotādisūlopo-.

Elision of `u` when `sota` and similar words follow.

Sotādisuttarapadesuudakassa ussalopo hoti; dakasotaṃ; dakarakkhaso.

When `sota` and similar words follow as the latter member, the `u` of `udaka` is elided; for example, `dakasotaṃ` (water stream), `dakarakkhaso` (water demon).

Ṭa nañssa-.

`A` is the substitute for the negative particle `nañ`.

Uttarapadenañsaddassa ṭa hoti; abrāhmaṇo –-ñakāro kiṃ, kevalassamā hotu; pāmanaputto.

When a latter member follows, the particle `nañ` becomes `a`; for example, `abrāhmaṇo` (non-Brahmin). Why is the `ñ` specified? So that the rule does not apply to the simple particle `na`. Consider `pāmanaputto`.

Ana sare-.

`Ana` is the substitute when a vowel follows.

Sarādo uttarapade nañsaddassaana hoti; anakkhātaṃ.

When the following member of a compound begins with a vowel, `nañ` becomes `ana`; for example, `anakkhātaṃ` (unspoken).

2 Ñakāroti-sabbattha.

The letter `ñ` is applicable everywhere.

Nakhādayo-.

Words like `nakha`.

Nakhādayo saddā akataṭādesā nipaccante;’nāssa khamatthiti’ nakho; akhamaññaṃ–-saññāsaddesu ca nipphattimattaṃ yathākathaci kattabbaṃ.’

Words like `nakha` are formed irregularly without the substitution of `ṭa`. From `nāssa khamatthiti` (there is no patience for him) comes `nakho` (nail/claw). `Akhamaññaṃ` (impatience); and in conventional words, the mere formation should be done somehow.

Nāssa kulamatthi’ti nakulo; akulamaññaṃ; nakha nakula napuṃsaka nakkhatta nāka evamādi.

From `nāssa kulamatthi` (he has no family) comes `nakulo` (mongoose); `akulamaññaṃ` (another without a family). Examples: `nakha` (nail), `nakula` (mongoose), `napuṃsaka` (neuter), `nakkhatta` (constellation), `nāka` (heaven), and so on.

Nago vāppāṇini-.

Or `naga` when inanimate.

Nagैccappāṇini vā nipaccate; nagā, rukkhā; nagā, pabbatā; agā, rukkhā; agā pabbatā–-appāṇinīti -kiṃ? Ago vasalo sītena.

`Naga` is optionally formed irregularly when denoting an inanimate object. Examples: `nagā` (trees), `nagā` (mountains); `agā` (trees), `agā` (mountains). Why the condition 'when inanimate'? To exclude cases like: `Ago vasalo sītena` (An outcast is immobile from the cold).

Sahassa so’ññatthe-.

For `saha`, `so` is substituted in another meaning.

Aññapadatthavuttimhi samāse uttarapade pare sahassa so vā hoti; saputto, sahaputto; aññattheti-kiṃ? Sahakatvā sahayujjhitvā.

In a compound expressing the meaning of another word (i.e., a bahubbīhi compound), when a following word is present, `saha` optionally becomes `so`. Examples: `saputto` (with a son), `sahaputto` (with a son). Why the condition 'in another meaning'? To exclude cases like: `sahakatvā` (having done together), `sahayujjhitvā` (having fought together).

Saññāyaṃ-.

In a conventional term.

Sahassuttarapade so heti saññāyaṃ; sāssatthaṃ; sapalāsaṃ.

For `saha`, `so` occurs before the following word when a conventional term is denoted. Examples: `sāssatthaṃ` (with an assattha tree), `sapalāsaṃ` (with a palāsa tree).

Apaccakkhe-.

When not directly perceived.

Apaccakkhe gamyamāne sahassa so hotuttarapade; sāggi, kapoto; sapisāvā, vātamaṇḍalikā.

When something not directly perceived is understood, `saha` becomes `so` before the following word. Examples: `sāggi kapoto` (a pigeon with the color of fire); `sapisāvā vātamaṇḍalikā` (a whirlwind with the movement of a calf).

Akāle sakatthe-.

When not referring to time, and in its own meaning.

Sakatthappadhānassa sahasaddassa akāle uttarapade so hoti; sampannaṃ brahmaṃ sabrahmaṃ; sacakkaṃ nidhehi, sadhuraṃ–-akāleti-kiṃ? Sahapubbanahaṃ, sahāparanhaṃ.

For the word `saha` when its own meaning is primary, `so` occurs before the following word, provided it does not refer to time. Examples: `sabrahmaṃ` (with Brahma), from `sampannaṃ brahmaṃ` (endowed with Brahma); `sacakkaṃ nidhehi` (place it with the wheel); `sadhuraṃ` (with the yoke). Why the condition 'when not referring to time'? To exclude cases like: `sahapubbanhaṃ` (with the forenoon), `sahāparanhaṃ` (with the afternoon).

Ganthāntādhikye-.

In the sense of completion or excess.

Ganthānte ādhikya cैa vattamānassa sahassa so hotuttarapade; sakalaṃ jotimadhīte; samuhuttaṃ–-kālattho ārambho; ādhikye-sadoṇā khārī; samāsako kahāpaṇo; niccattho’yamāramho.

For `saha` occurring in the sense of completion (`ganthānta`) or excess (`ādhikya`), `so` occurs before the following word. Example of completion: `sakalaṃ jotimadhīte` (he studies the entire Joti text). `samuhuttaṃ` (for a whole moment); this application refers to time. Examples of excess: `sadoṇā khārī` (a khārī plus a doṇa); `samāsako kahāpaṇo` (a kahāpaṇa plus a māsaka). This is a mandatory rule.

Samānassa pakkhādisu vā-.

For `samāna`, optionally in words like `pakkha`.

Pakkhādisuttarapadesu samānassaso hoti vā; sapakkho, samānapakkho; sajoti, samānajoti–-pakkhādisūti-kiṃ? Samānasīlo; pakkha joti janapada ratti pattinī pattī nābhī bandhu brahmacārī nāma gotta rūpa ṭhānavaṇṇa vayo vacana dhamma jātiya ghacca.

Before following words such as `pakkha`, `samāna` optionally becomes `so`. Examples: `sapakkho` or `samānapakkho` (of the same side); `sajoti` or `samānajoti` (of the same light). Why the condition 'in words like `pakkha`'? To exclude cases like `samānasīlo` (of equal virtue). The list of such words includes: `pakkha`, `joti`, `janapada`, `ratti`, `pattinī`, `pattī`, `nābhī`, `bandhu`, `brahmacārī`, `nāma`, `gotta`, `rūpa`, `ṭhāna`, `vaṇṇa`, `vayo`, `vacana`, `dhamma`, `jātiya`, and `ghacca`.

Udare iye-.

When `iya` follows `udara`.

Udare iyapare parato samānassa so vā hoti; sodariyo; samānodariyo–-iyeti-kiṃ? Samānodarataṃ.

When `iya` follows `udara`, a preceding `samāna` optionally becomes `so`. Examples: `sodariyo` or `samānodariyo` (of the same womb). Why the condition 'when `iya` follows'? To exclude cases like `samānodarataṃ` (the state of being from the same womb).

Rīrikkhakesu-.

Before suffixes denoting likeness.

Etesusamānassa so hoti; sarī; sarikkho; sariso.

Before these suffixes denoting likeness, `samāna` becomes `so`. Examples: `sarī` (like), `sarikkho` (like), `sariso` (similar).

Sabbādinamā-.

For `sabba` and other pronouns, `ā`.

Rīrikkhakesusabbādīnamā hoti; yādī, yādikkho, yādiso.

Before the suffixes denoting likeness, the final vowel of `sabba` and other pronouns is replaced by `ā`. Examples (from `ya`): `yādī`, `yādikkho`, `yādiso` (of what kind).

Ntakimimānaṃ ṭākīṭī-.

For `nta`, `kiṃ`, and `ima`, the substitutes are `ṭā`, `kī`, and `ṭī`.

Rīrikkhakesu ntasaddakiṃsaddैmasaddānaṃ ṭākīṭī honti yathākkamaṃ; bhavādī, bhavādikkho, bhavādiso; kīdī, kīdikkho, kīdiso; īdī, īdikkho, īdiso.

Before the suffixes denoting likeness, for stems ending in `nta` (e.g., `bhavanta`), and for the pronouns `kiṃ` and `ima`, the respective substitutes are `ā` (indicated by `ṭā`), `kī`, and `ī` (indicated by `ṭī`). Examples: `bhavādī`, `bhavādikkho`, `bhavādiso` (like your honor); `kīdī`, `kīdikkho`, `kīdiso` (of what kind?); `īdī`, `īdikkho`, `īdiso` (of this kind).

Tumhāmbhānaṃ tāmekasmiṃ-.

For `tumha` and `amha` in the singular, `tā` and `mā`.

Rīrikkhakesu tumhāmhānaṃ tāmā hontekasmiṃ yathākkamaṃ; tādī, tādikkho, tādiso;mādī, mādikkho, mādiso; –-ekasminti-kiṃ? Tumhādī, amhādī, tumhādikkho, amhādikkho, tumhādiso, amhādiso.

Before the suffixes denoting likeness, for `tumha` and `amha` in the singular, the respective substitutes are `tā` and `mā`. Examples: `tādī`, `tādikkho`, `tādiso` (like you); `mādī`, `mādikkho`, `mādiso` (like me). Why the condition 'in the singular'? To exclude the plural forms: `tumhādī`, `amhādī`; `tumhādikkho`, `amhādikkho`; `tumhādiso`, `amhādiso`.

Taṃmamaññatra-.

For `taṃ` and `mama`, elsewhere.

Rīrikkhakantato’ññasmiṃ uttarapade tumhāmhāname kasmiṃ taṃmaṃ honti yathākkamaṃ; tandīpā; mandīpā; taṃ saraṇā, maṃsaraṇā; tayyogo mayyogoti-bindulopo.

When a subsequent term follows, other than one denoting likeness, for 'tumha' and 'amha', 'taṃ' and 'maṃ' are substituted respectively. Examples: 'tandīpā' (your island), 'mandīpā' (my island); 'taṃsaraṇā' (your refuge), 'maṃsaraṇā' (my refuge); in 'tayyogo' (your union) and 'mayyogo' (my union), the dot (ṃ) is elided.

Vetasseṭa-.

For 'eta', 'eṭa' is optionally substituted.

Rīrikkhakesvetasseṭa vā hoti; edī, etādī; edikkho, etādikkho; ediso, etādiso.

In words denoting likeness, for 'eta', 'eṭa' is optionally substituted. Examples: 'edī', 'etādī'; 'edikkho', 'etādikkho'; 'ediso', 'etādiso'.

Vidhādisu dvissa du-.

In words such as 'vidhā', for 'dvi', 'du' is substituted.

Dvissa du hoti vidhādisu; duvidho, dupaṭṭaṃ; evamādi.

For 'dvi', 'du' is substituted in words such as 'vidhā'. Examples: 'duvidho' (twofold), 'dupaṭṭaṃ' (double-layered); and so on.

Di guṇādisu-.

In words such as 'guṇa', 'di' is substituted for 'dvi'.

Guṇādisu dvissa di hoti; diguṇaṃ, dirattaṃ, digu; evamādi

In words such as 'guṇa', for 'dvi', 'di' is substituted. Examples: 'diguṇaṃ' (double), 'dirattaṃ' (two nights), 'digu' (two cows); and so on.

Tisva-.

When 'tī' follows, for 'dvi', 'a' is substituted.

Tīsu dvissa a hoti; dvattikkhattuṃ, dvattipattapūrā.

When 'tī' (three) follows, for 'dvi' (two), 'a' is substituted. Examples: 'dvattikkhattuṃ' (two or three times), 'dvattipattapūrā' (two or three full bowls).

Ā saṃkhyāyāsatādo’naññatthe-.

For 'dvi', 'ā' is substituted when a numeral follows, except for 'sata' etc., and not in another sense.

Saṃkhyāyamuttarapade dvissaā hotasadādo’naññatthe; dvādasa, dvāvīsati, dvattiṃsa; saṃkhyāyanti-kiṃ?’Dirattaṃ; asatādoti-kiṃ? Dvisataṃ, dvisahassaṃ; anaññattheti-kiṃ?Dvidasā.

When a numeral is the subsequent term, for 'dvi', 'ā' is substituted, except for 'sata' etc., and not in another sense. Examples: 'dvādasa' (twelve), 'dvāvīsati' (twenty-two), 'dvattiṃsa' (thirty-two). Why specify 'when a numeral follows'? Consider 'dirattaṃ' (two nights). Why 'except for sata etc.'? Consider 'dvisataṃ' (two hundred), 'dvisahassaṃ' (two thousand). Why 'not in another sense'? Consider 'dvidasā' (two tens).

Tisse-.

For 'ti', 'e' is substituted.

Saṃkhyāyamuttarapade tissa ehotasatādo’naññatthe; terasa, tevisa, tettiṃsa–-saṃkhyāyantveva-tirattaṃ; asatādotveva-tisataṃ; anaññatthetveva-tivatukā.

When a numeral is the subsequent term, for 'ti', 'e' is substituted, except for 'sata' etc., and not in another sense. Examples: 'terasa' (thirteen), 'tevisa' (twenty-three), 'tettiṃsa' (thirty-three). Why specify 'when a numeral follows'? Consider 'tirattaṃ' (three nights). Why 'except for sata etc.'? Consider 'tisataṃ' (three hundred). Why 'not in another sense'? Consider 'tivatukā' (a group of three).

Cattālisādo vā-.

Optionally from forty onwards.

Tissevā hoti cattālīsādo; tecattālīsa, ticattālīsa; tepaññāsa, tipaññāsa; tesaṭṭhi, tisaṭṭhi; tesattati, tīsattatī; tñasīti, tiyāsīti; tenavuti, tinavuti–-asatādotveva-tisataṃ.

For 'ti', 'e' is optionally substituted from forty onwards. Examples: 'tecattālīsa' or 'ticattālīsa' (forty-three); 'tepaññāsa' or 'tipaññāsa' (fifty-three); 'tesaṭṭhi' or 'tisaṭṭhi' (sixty-three); 'tesattati' or 'tīsattatī' (seventy-three); 'tñasīti' or 'tiyāsīti' (eighty-three); 'tenavuti' or 'tinavuti' (ninety-three). This applies only when not following 'sata' etc.; for example, 'tisataṃ' (three hundred).

Dvissā ca-.

And for 'dvi', 'ā' is optionally substituted.

Asatādo’naññatthe cattālīsādo dvisse vā hoti āva dvecattālīsaṃ, dvācattāsaṃ, dvicattālīsaṃ; dvepaññāsaṃ, dvāpaññāsaṃ, dvipaññāsaṃ; iccādi.

Except for 'sata' etc., and not in another sense, from forty onwards, for 'dvi', 'ā' is optionally substituted. Examples: 'dvecattālīsaṃ', 'dvācattālīsaṃ', or 'dvicattālīsaṃ' (forty-two); 'dvepaññāsaṃ', 'dvāpaññāsaṃ', or 'dvipaññāsaṃ' (fifty-two); and so on.

Bācattālisādo-.

Before forty onwards, 'bā' is substituted.

Dvissa bā vā hotacattālīsādo’naññatthe; bārasa, dvādasa; bāvīsati, dvāvīsati; battiṃsa, dvattiṃsa–-acattālīsādoti-kiṃ? Dvicattālīsa.

For 'dvi', 'bā' is optionally substituted before forty onwards, not in another sense. Examples: 'bārasa' or 'dvādasa' (twelve); 'bāvīsati' or 'dvāvīsati' (twenty-two); 'battiṃsa' or 'dvattiṃsa' (thirty-two). Why specify 'before forty onwards'? To exclude 'dvicattālīsa' (forty-two).

Dvisatidasesu pañcassa paṇṇupannā -.

When 'vīsati' and 'dasa' follow, for 'pañca', 'paṇṇu' and 'pannā' are substituted.

Vīsatidasesu paresu pañcassa paṇṇupannā honti vā yathākkamaṃ; paṇṇuvīsati, pañcavīsati;pannarasa, pañcadasa.

When 'vīsati' (twenty) and 'dasa' (ten) follow, for 'pañca', 'paṇṇu' and 'pannā' are optionally substituted respectively. Examples: 'paṇṇuvīsati' or 'pañcavīsati' (twenty-five); 'pannarasa' or 'pañcadasa' (fifteen).

Catussa cuto dase-.

When 'dasa' follows, for 'catu', 'cu' and 'co' are substituted.

Catussa cuco honti vā dasasadde pare; cuddasa, coddasa, catuddasa.

For 'catu', 'cu' and 'co' are optionally substituted when the word 'dasa' follows. Examples: 'cuddasa', 'coddasa', or 'catuddasa' (fourteen).

Chassa so-.

For 'cha', 'so' is substituted.

Chassa so iccayamādeso hoti dasasadde pare; soḷasa.

For 'cha', the substitute 'so' occurs when the word 'dasa' follows. Example: 'soḷasa' (sixteen).

Ekaṭṭhānamā-.

For 'eka' and 'aṭṭha', the final vowel becomes 'ā'.

Ekaaṭṭhānaṃ ā hoti dase pare; ekādasa, aṭṭhārasa.

For 'eka' and 'aṭṭha', the final vowel becomes 'ā' when 'dasa' follows. Examples: 'ekādasa' (eleven), 'aṭṭhārasa' (eighteen).

Ra saṃkhyāto vā-.

After a numeral, the 'da' of 'dasa' is optionally substituted by 'ra'.

Saṃkhyāto parassa dasassara hoti vibhāsā; ekārasa, ekādasa; bārasa, dvādasa; pannarasa, pañcadasa; sattarasa, sattadasa; aṭṭhārasa, aṭṭhādasa–-pannabādesesu niccaṃ, idha na hoti catuddasa.

For the 'dasa' that follows a numeral, its 'da' is optionally substituted by 'ra'. Examples: 'ekārasa' or 'ekādasa' (eleven); 'bārasa' or 'dvādasa' (twelve); 'pannarasa' or 'pañcadasa' (fifteen); 'sattarasa' or 'sattadasa' (seventeen); 'aṭṭhārasa' or 'aṭṭhādasa' (eighteen). When the substitutes 'paṇṇa' and 'bā' are used, this substitution is obligatory. This rule does not apply to 'catuddasa'.

Chatīhi ḷo ca-

After 'cha' and 'ti', 'ḷa' is also substituted.

Chatīhi parassa dasassa ḷo hoti ro ca; soḷasa, sorasa; teḷasa, terasa.

For 'dasa' following 'cha' and 'ti', 'ḷo' and 'ro' are the substitutes. Examples: 'soḷasa', 'sorasa'; 'teḷasa', 'terasa'.

Catutthatatiyānamaḍḍhuḍḍhatiyā-.

For 'catuttha' and 'tatiya', there are the substitutes 'aḍḍhuḍḍha' and 'aḍḍhatiya'.

Aḍḍhā paresaṃ catutthatatiyānaṃ uḍḍhatiyā honti yathākkamaṃ;’aḍḍhana catuttho’ aḍḍhuḍḍho,’aḍḍhena tatiyo’ aḍḍhatiyo–-kathaṃ?Aḍḍhateyyoti-sakatthe ṇye uttara padavuddhi.

For 'catuttha' and 'tatiya' following 'aḍḍha', 'uḍḍha' and 'atiya' are the substitutes respectively. Examples: 'aḍḍhena catuttho' (fourth with a half) becomes 'aḍḍhuḍḍho'; 'aḍḍhena tatiyo' (third with a half) becomes 'aḍḍhatiyo'. How is 'aḍḍhateyyo' formed? In its own meaning, with the suffix 'ṇya', there is vuddhi of the subsequent term.

Dutiyassa saha diyaḍḍhadivaḍḍhā-.

For 'dutiya', there are the substitutes 'diyaḍḍha' and 'divaḍḍha'.

Aḍḍhā parassa dutiyassa sahaaḍḍhasaddena diyaḍḍhadivaḍḍhā honti;’ aḍḍhena dutiyo’ diyaḍḍho, divaḍḍho vā.

For 'dutiya' following 'aḍḍha', 'diyaḍḍha' and 'divaḍḍha' are the substitutes for the entire compound. Example: 'aḍḍhena dutiyo' (the second with a half) becomes 'diyaḍḍho' or 'divaḍḍho'.

Sare kada kussuntaratthe-.

When a vowel follows, 'kada' is the substitute for 'ku' in a contemptible sense.

Kussuttarapadatthe vattamānassa sarādo uttarapade kadā desohoti; kadannaṃ, kadasanaṃ–-sareti-kiṃ? Kuputto; uttarattheti-kiṃ? Kuoṭṭho; rājā.

For 'ku' used in a contemptible sense, 'kada' is the substitute when a subsequent term beginning with a vowel follows. Examples: 'kadannaṃ' (bad food), 'kadasanaṃ' (bad sight). Why the condition 'when a vowel follows'? For instance, 'kuputto' (bad son). Why the condition 'in a contemptible sense'? For instance, 'kuoṭṭho' (camel, where 'ku' means 'earth').

Kāppatthe-.

'Kā' is the substitute in the sense of 'little'.

Appatthe vattamānassa kussakā hotuttarapadatthe;’appakaṃ lavaṇaṃ’ kālavaṇaṃ.

For 'ku' used in the sense of 'little', 'kā' is the substitute before the subsequent term. Example: 'appakaṃ lavaṇaṃ' (a little salt) becomes 'kālavaṇaṃ'.

Purisevā-.

And optionally before 'purisa'.

Kussa purisekā hoti vā; kāpuriso, kupuriso–-ayamappattavibhāsā–-appatthe tupubbenaniccaṃhoti;’īsaṃ puriso’ kāpuriso.

For 'ku' before 'purisa', 'kā' is optionally the substitute. Examples: 'kāpuriso', 'kupuriso' (a contemptible man). This is an option for a case not previously covered. However, in the sense of 'little', the substitution by the previous rule is mandatory. Example: 'īsaṃ puriso' (a little man) becomes 'kāpuriso'.

Pubbādīhuttarapadassaahassa anhādeso hoti; pubbanho; aparanho; ajajanho; sāyanho; majjhanho.

For 'aha' as a subsequent term following 'pubba' and so on, 'anha' is the substitute. Examples: 'pubbanho' (forenoon); 'aparanho' (afternoon); 'ajjatanho' (today); 'sāyanho' (evening); 'majjhanho' (midday).

Iti moggallāne vyākaraṇe vuttiyaṃ samāsakaṇḍo tatiyo.

Thus ends the third chapter on compounds in the commentary to Moggallāna's Grammar.

Chaṭṭhiyantā nāmasmā vā ṇappaccayo hotapacce’bhidheye; ṇakāro vuddhyattho; evamaññatrāpi,’vasiṭṭhassāpaccaṃ’ vāsiṭṭho, vāsiṭṭhī vā; opagavo, opagavī vā –-veti-vākya samāsavikappatthaṃ tassādhikāro sakatthāvadhi.

After a noun ending in the sixth case, the suffix 'ṇa' optionally occurs when a descendant is denoted. The letter 'ṇ' indicates vuddhi. Similarly elsewhere: 'vasiṭṭhassāpaccaṃ' (a descendant of Vasiṭṭha) becomes 'vāsiṭṭho' or 'vāsiṭṭhī'; 'opagavo' or 'opagavī'. The word 'vā' (optionally) provides an option between forming a phrase or a compound; its authority extends throughout this section.

Vacchāditoṇānaṇāyanā-.

After 'vaccha' and so on, the suffixes 'ṇāna' and 'ṇāyana' occur.

Vacchādīhi apaccappaccayantehi hottādīhica saddehi ṇānaṇāyanappaccayā vā hontapacce. Vacchāno vacchāyano; kaccāno, kaccāyano–-yāgame-kātiyāno; moggallāno, moggallāyano; sākaṭāno, sākaṭāyano; kaṇbhāno, kaṇbhāyano; iccādi.

After the words 'vaccha' and so on, and after words such as 'hotta' which end in a descendant suffix, the suffixes 'ṇāna' and 'ṇāyana' optionally occur when a descendant is denoted. Examples: 'Vacchāno', 'Vacchāyano'; 'Kaccāno', 'Kaccāyano'; with the insertion of 'y', 'Kātiyāno'; 'Moggallāno', 'Moggallāyano'; 'Sākaṭāno', 'Sākaṭāyano'; 'Kaṇbhāno', 'Kaṇbhāyano'; and so on.

Kattikādīhi vidhavādīhi ca ṇeyyaṇerā vā yathākkamaṃ hontapacce. Kattikeyyo. Venateyyo; bhāgīneyyo iccādi–-vedhavero; vandhakero; nāḷikero; sāmaṇero iccādi.

After 'kattikā' and so on, and after 'vidhavā' and so on, the suffixes 'ṇeyya' and 'ṇera' optionally occur respectively when a descendant is denoted. Examples: 'Kattikeyyo', 'Venateyyo', 'Bhāgīneyyo', and so on; 'Vedhavero', 'Vandhakero', 'Nāḷikero', 'Sāmaṇero', and so on.

Ṇya diccādīhi-.

After 'diti' and so on, the suffix 'ṇya' occurs.

Ditippabhutīhi ṇyo vā hotapacce. Decco; ādicco; koṇḍañño; gaggyo; bhātabbo; iccādi

After 'diti' and so on, the suffix 'ṇya' optionally occurs when a descendant is denoted. Examples: 'Decco', 'Ādicco', 'Koṇḍañño', 'Gaggyo', 'Bhātabbo', and so on.

Ā ṇi-.

After stems ending in 'a', the suffix 'ṇi' occurs.

Akārantato ṇi vā hotapacce dakkhi; doṇi; vāsavi; vāruṇiccādi.

After a stem ending in 'a', the suffix 'ṇi' optionally occurs when a descendant is denoted. Examples: 'dakkhi', 'doṇi', 'vāsavi', 'vāruṇi', and so on.

Rājato ñño jātiyaṃ-.

After 'rāja', the suffix 'ñña' occurs in the sense of lineage.

Rājasaddato ñño vā hotapacce jātiyaṃ gamyamānāyaṃ. Rājañño–-jātiyanti kiṃ?Rājāpaccaṃ.

After the word 'rāja', the suffix 'ñña' optionally occurs in the sense of a descendant when lineage is understood. Example: 'Rājañño' (one of royal lineage). Why the condition 'in the sense of lineage'? For instance, 'Rājāpaccaṃ' (a king's offspring).

Khattā yiyā-. Khattasaddā yeyā hontapacce jātiyaṃ khatyo; khattiyo jātiyayantve-khatti.

After 'khatta', the suffixes 'ya' and 'iya' occur. From the word 'khatta', 'ya' and 'iya' occur in the sense of a descendant when lineage is implied. Examples: 'khatyo', 'khattiyo'. Why the condition 'in the sense of lineage'? For instance, 'khatti'.

Manuto ssasaṇi-.

After 'manu', the suffixes 'ssa' and 'ṇa' occur.

Manusaddato jātiyaṃ ssasaṇa hontapacce. Manusso; mānuso? Itthiyaṃ-manussā; mānusī–-jātiyantveva-māṇavo.

After the word 'manu', the suffixes 'ssa' and 'ṇa' occur in the sense of a descendant when lineage is implied. Examples: 'manusso', 'mānuso' (a human). In the feminine: 'manussā', 'mānusī'. Why the condition 'in the sense of lineage'? For instance, 'māṇavo' (a youth, a descendant of Manu).

Janapadanāmasmā khattiyā rañño ca ṇo-.

After the name of a country, the suffix 'ṇa' occurs to denote the descendant of a Khattiya king.

Janapadassa yaṃ nāmaṃ tannāmasmā khattiyāpacce raññova ṇo hoti. Pañcālo; kosalo; māgadho; okkāko–-janapadanāmasmāti-kiṃ? Dāsarathi; khattiyāti-kiṃ?’Pañcālassa brāhmaṇassāpaccaṃ’ pañcāla.

After the name of a country, the suffix 'ṇa' occurs to denote the descendant of a Khattiya king. Examples: 'Pañcālo', 'Kosalo', 'Māgadho', 'Okkāko'. Why the condition 'after the name of a country'? For instance, 'Dāsarathi'. Why the condition 'Khattiya'? For instance, 'the descendant of a brahmin of Pañcāla' is 'Pañcāla'.

Ṇya kurusivīhī-.

After 'Kuru' and 'Sivi', the suffix 'ṇya' occurs.

Kurusivīhapacce raññe ca ṇyo hoti; korabyo sebyo.

After 'Kuru' and 'Sivi', the suffix 'ṇya' occurs to denote a descendant who is a king. Examples: 'Korabyo', 'Sebyo'.

Ṇa rāgā tena rattaṃ-.

The affix 'ṇa' (is applied) from a word denoting a dye, in the sense of 'dyed by that'.

Rāgavācitatiyantato rattamiccetasmiṃ atthe ṇo hoti’kasāvena rattaṃ’ kāsāvaṃ;kosumbhaṃ; hāliddaṃ–-rāgāti kiṃ? Devadattena rattaṃ vatthaṃ; idha kasmā nahoti? Nīlaṃ pītanti–-guṇavacanattā vināpi ṇena ṇatthassābhidhānato.

From a word ending in the third case that denotes a dye, the affix 'ṇa' occurs in the sense of 'dyed'. For example, 'dyed with saffron' becomes kāsāvaṃ; (similarly) kosumbhaṃ; hāliddaṃ. Why the specification 'dye'? (Consider) 'a cloth dyed by Devadatta'; why does it not occur here? (And why not for) 'blue' or 'yellow'? Because they are words denoting a quality, the sense is conveyed even without the affix 'ṇa'.

Nakkhatteninduyuttena kāle-.

The affix 'ṇa' (is applied) after a word for a constellation conjoined with the moon, in the sense of 'time (marked by it)'.

Tatiyantato nakkhattā tena lakkhite kāle ṇo hoti; taṃ ce nakkhantaminduyuttaṃ hoti. Phussī, rattī; phusso, aho–-nakkhatteneti-kiṃ? Gurunā lakkhitā ratti; indu yanutteneti-kiṃ? Kattikāya lakkhito muhutto; kāleti-kiṃ? Phussenalakkhitā atthasiddhi–-ajjakattikāti kattikā yutte cande kattikāsaddo vattate.

From a word for a constellation ending in the third case, the affix 'ṇa' occurs in the sense of 'time marked by it', provided that constellation is conjoined with the moon. For example, Phussī (night); Phusso (day). Why the specification 'by a constellation'? (Consider) 'the night marked by Guru'. Why 'conjoined with the moon'? (Consider) 'the moment marked by Kattikā'. Why 'in the sense of time'? (Consider) 'the accomplishment of a purpose marked by Phussa'. In the expression 'ajjakattikā', the word 'kattikā' refers to the moon conjoined with the Kattikā constellation.

Sāssa devatā puṇṇamaṃsi-.

The affix 'ṇa' (is applied) in the sense of 'that is his deity' or '(in relation to) his full moon'.

Seti paṭhamantā assāti chaṭṭhatthe ṇo bhavati yaṃ paṭhamantaṃ sā ve devatā puṇṇamāsī vā.’Sugato devatā assā’ti sogato; māhindo; yāmo; vāruṇo; phussī puṇṇamāsī assa sambandhinī’ti phusso, māgho; māgho; phagguno; citto; vesākho;peṭṭhamulo; āsāḷho; sāvaṇo; poṭṭhapādo; assayujo; kattiko; māgasiro–-puṇṇamāsīti-kiṃ, phussi pañcamī assa–-puṇṇamāsīva gatakamāsasambandhinī na hoti;’puṇṇo mā assanti’ nibbacanā–-ato eva nipātanā ṇo, sāgamo ca, māsasutīyāva napapañcadasarattādo vidhi.

From a word ending in the first case, the affix 'ṇa' occurs in the sense of 'his' (sixth case), if that word in the first case is a deity or a full moon. For example, 'Sugata is his deity' becomes Sogato; (similarly) Māhindo; Yāmo; Vāruṇo. 'The Phussī full moon is related to him' becomes Phusso; (similarly) Māgho; Phagguno; Citto; Vesākho; Jeṭṭhamūlo; Āsāḷho; Sāvaṇo; Poṭṭhapādo; Assayujo; Kattiko; Māgasira. Why the specification 'full moon'? (Consider) 'the fifth (day) of Phussa is his'. The full moon is not related to a past month. Because of the meaning 'the full moon is his', the affix 'ṇa' and the augment 'sa' are applied by irregular formation. This rule applies only in relation to the month, not to the fifteen nights and so on.

Tamadhīte taṃ jānāti kaṇikā ca-.

The affixes 'ṇa' and 'ṇika' (are applied) in the sense of 'he studies that' or 'he knows that'.

Dutiyantato tamadhīte taṃ jānātīti etesphatthesuṇo hoti ko ṇikova.’ Vyākaraṇamadhīte jānāti vā’ veyyākaraṇo; chāndaso; kamako; padako; venayiko; suttantiko–-dvitaggahaṇaṃ puthageva vidhānatthaṃ jānanassaca ajjhenavisayabhāvadassanatthaṃ pasimbupasaṃgahatthañca.

From a word ending in the second case, in these senses, 'he studies that' or 'he knows that', the affixes 'ṇa', 'ka', and 'ṇika' occur. For example, 'he studies or knows grammar' becomes veyyākaraṇo; (similarly) chāndaso; kamako; padako; venayiko; suttantiko. The mention of both (senses) is for the purpose of separate prescription, to show that knowing also has study as its object, and for the purpose of broader inclusion.

Tassa visaye dese.-.

The affix 'ṇa' (is applied) in the sense of 'his domain', when it is a region.

Chaṭhiyantā visaye desarūpe ṇo hoti.’Vasātīnaṃ visayo deso’vāsāto–-deseti kiṃ? Cakkhussa visayo rūpaṃ, devadattassa visayo’nuvāko.

From a word ending in the sixth case, the affix 'ṇa' occurs in the sense of 'domain', when that domain is a region. For example, 'the domain of the Vasātīs, a region,' becomes Vāsāto. Why the specification 'region'? (Consider) 'the domain of the eye is form'; 'the domain of Devadatta is recitation'.

Nivāse tannāme-.

The affix 'ṇa' (is applied) in the sense of 'dwelling', when it is a region so named.

Chaṭṭhiyantā nivāse dese tannāme ṇo hoti;’sivīnaṃ nivāso desosebyo; vāsāto.

From a word ending in the sixth case, the affix 'ṇa' occurs in the sense of 'dwelling', when that dwelling is a region so named. For example, 'the dwelling of the Sivis, a region,' becomes Sebyo; (similarly) Vāsāto.

Adūrabhave-.

The affix 'ṇa' (is applied) in the sense of 'being not far from'.

Chaṭṭhiyantā adūrabhave desetannāme ṇo hoti;’vidasāya adurabhavaṃ’ vedisaṃ.

From a word ending in the sixth case, the affix 'ṇa' occurs in the sense of 'being not far from', when referring to a region so named. For example, '(a region) not far from Vidisā' becomes Vedisaṃ.

Tenatibbatte-.

The affix 'ṇa' (is applied) in the sense of 'produced by that'.

Tatiyantā nibbatte desetannāme ṇo hoti; kusambena nibbattā kosambī, nagarī; kākandī, mākandī,’sahassena nibbattā’ sāhassī, parikhā–-hetumhi kattarikaraṇe ca yathāyogaṃ tatiyā.

From a word ending in the third case, the affix 'ṇa' occurs in the sense of 'produced by that', where the result may be a region so named. For example, '(the city) produced by Kusamba' becomes Kosambī; (similarly) Kākandī, Mākandī. '(The moat) produced with a thousand' becomes Sāhassī. The third case is used appropriately for cause, agent, or instrument.

Tamidhatthi-.

The affix 'ṇa' (is applied) in the sense of 'that exists here'.

Tanti paṭhamantā idhāti sattamyatthe dese tannāme ṇo hoti, yantaṃ paṭhamantamatthi ce;’udumbarā asmiṃ dese santī’ti odumbaro, bādaro, babbajo.

From a word ending in the first case, the affix 'ṇa' occurs in the locative sense of 'here', when referring to a region so named, provided that which is denoted by the first-case word exists there. For example, '(a region) where Udumbara trees exist' becomes Odumbaro; (similarly) Bādaro, Babbajo.

Tatra bhave-.

The affix 'ṇa' (is applied) in the sense of 'existing there'.

Sattamyantā bhavatthe ṇo hoti;’udake bhavo’odako, oraso, jānapado, māgadho, kāpilavatthavo, kosambo.

From a word ending in the seventh case, the affix 'ṇa' occurs in the sense of 'existence'. For example, 'existing in water' becomes Odako; (similarly) Oraso, Jānapado, Māgadho, Kāpilavatthavo, Kosambo.

Ajjādīhi tato-.

The affix 'tana' (is applied) after 'ajja' and so on.

Bhavatthe ajjādīhi tano hoti;’ajja bhavo’ ajjatano, svātano, hiyyattano.

In the sense of 'existence', the affix 'tana' occurs after 'ajja' and so on. For example, 'existing today' becomes ajjatano; (similarly) svātano, hiyyattano.

Purāto ṇo ca-.

The affixes 'ṇa' and 'tana' (are applied) after 'purā'.

Purā iccasmā bhavatthe ṇo hoti tano ca; purāṇo, purātano.

From 'purā', in the sense of 'existence', the affix 'ṇa' occurs, and also 'tana'. For example, purāṇo, purātano.

Amātthacco-. Amāsaddato acco hoti bhavatthe; amacco.

The affix 'acca' (is applied) after 'amā'. From the word 'amā', the affix 'acca' occurs in the sense of 'existence'. For example, amacco.

Majjhāditvimo-.

The affix 'ima' (is applied) after 'majjha' and so on.

Majjhādīhi sattamyantehi bhavatthe imo hoti; majjhimo, antimo–-majkjdhaanta heṭṭhā upari ora pāra pacchā abbhantara paccanta.

From the words 'majjha' and so on, which have a locative sense, the affix 'ima' occurs in the sense of 'existence'. For example, majjhimo, antimo. The list is: majjha, anta, heṭṭhā, upari, ora, pāra, pacchā, abbhantara, paccanta.

Kaṇṇeyyaṇeyyakayiyā-.

The affixes 'ka', 'ṇa', 'ṇeyya', 'ṇeyyaka', 'ya', and 'iya' (are applied).

Sattamyantā ete paccayā honti bhavatthe; kaṇa-’kusinārāyaṃ bhavo’ kosinārako, māgadhako, āraññake, vihāro–-ṇeyya-gaṅgeyyo, pabbateyyo, vāneyeyyā–-ṇeyyaka-koleyyako, bārāṇaseyyako, campeyyako; mithileyyakoti-eyyako–-ya-gammo, dibbo; iyagāmiyo, udariyo, diviyo, pañcāliyo, bodhapakkhīyo, lokiyo.

From a word ending in the seventh case, these affixes occur in the sense of 'existence'. Examples for 'ka': 'existing in Kusinārā' becomes Kosinārako; (similarly) Māgadhako, Āraññako. Example for 'ṇa': Vihāro. Examples for 'ṇeyya': Gaṅgeyyo, Pabbateyyo, Vāneyyo. Examples for 'ṇeyyaka': Koleyako, Bārāṇaseyyako, Campeyyako; also Mithileyyako (showing the affix 'eyyaka'). Examples for 'ya': Gammo, Dibbo. Examples for 'iya': Gāmiyo, Udariyo, Diviyo, Pañcāliyo, Bodhapakkhīyo, Lokiyo.

Ṇiko-.

The affix 'ṇika' (is applied).

Sattamyantā bhavatthe ṇiko hoti; sāradiko, divaso; sāradikā, ratti.

From a word ending in the seventh case, the affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'being'. For example: sāradiko, divaso (an autumnal day); sāradikā, ratti (an autumnal night).

Tamassa sippaṃ sīlaṃ paṇyaṃ paharaṇaṃ payojanaṃ-.

The affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'that is his craft, virtue, merchandise, weapon, or purpose'.

Paṭhamantā sippādivācakā asseti chaḍhatthe ṇiko hoti;’vīṇāvādanaṃ sippamassa’ veṇiko, modaṅgiko, vaṃsiko;’paṃsukūladhāraṇaṃ sīlamassa’ paṃsukūliko, tecīvariko;’gandhopaṇyamassa’ gandhiko, teliko, goḷiko’cāpo paharaṇamassa’ cāpiko, tomariko, muggariko;’upadhippa yojanamassa’ opadhikaṃ, sātikaṃ, sāhassikaṃ.

From a word ending in the first case that denotes a craft and so on, the affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'his' (i.e., the sixth case). For example: 'playing the lute is his craft' becomes veṇiko, modaṅgiko, vaṃsiko; 'wearing rag-robes is his virtue' becomes paṃsukūliko, tecīvariko; 'perfume is his merchandise' becomes gandhiko, teliko, goḷiko; 'the bow is his weapon' becomes cāpiko, tomariko, muggariko; 'deceit is his purpose' becomes opadhikaṃ, sātikaṃ, sāhassikaṃ.

Taṃ hantarahati gacchatuñchati carati-. Dutiyantā hantīti evamādisvatthesu ṇiko hoti; pakkhīhi-’pakkhino hantī’ti pakkhiko, sākuṇiko, māyuriko–-macchehi- macchiko, meniko–-migehi māgaviko, hāriṇiko, - sūkarikoti- iko;’satamarahatī’ti sātikaṃ, sandiṭṭhikaṃ;’ehi passa vidhiṃ rahatī’ti ehipassiko, sāhassiko–-sahassiyotīdha iyo;’paradāraṃ gacchatī’ti pāradāriko, maggiko, paññāsayojaniko;’ badare uñchatī’ti bādariko, sāmākiko;’dhammaṃ caratī’ti dhammiko, adhammiko.

The affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'he kills that', 'is worthy of that', 'goes to that', 'gleans that', or 'practices that'. From a word ending in the second case, the affix 'ṇiko' occurs in such senses as 'he kills that' and so on. For example, with birds: 'he kills birds' becomes pakkhiko, sākuṇiko, māyuriko. With fish: macchiko, meniko. With deer: māgaviko, hāriṇiko. Sūkariko is formed with 'iko'. 'He is worthy of a hundred' becomes sātikaṃ, sandiṭṭhikaṃ. 'He is worthy of the 'come-and-see' method' becomes ehipassiko, sāhassiko. Here, sahassiyo is formed with 'iyo'. 'He goes to another's wife' becomes pāradāriko, maggiko, paññāsayojaniko. 'He gleans jujubes' becomes bādariko, sāmākiko. 'He practices the Dhamma' becomes dhammiko, adhammiko.

Tena kataṃ kītaṃ baddhamahisaṅkhataṃ saṃsaḍhaṃ hataṃ hanti jitaṃ jayati dibbati khaṇati tarati carati vahati jivati-.

The affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'done by that', 'bought by that', 'bound by that', 'prepared by that', 'mixed with that', 'killed by that', 'kills by that', 'won by that', 'wins by that', 'plays with that', 'digs with that', 'crosses by that', 'travels by that', 'carries by that', or 'lives by that'.

Tatiyantā katādisvatthesu ṇiko hoti;’kāyena kataṃ’ kāyikaṃ, vācasikaṃ, mānasikaṃ;’vātenakato ābādho’ vātiko–-’satena kītaṃ’ sātikaṃ, sāhassikaṃ, mūlatova-devadattena kītoti na hoti tadatthāppatītiyā–-’varattāya baddho’ vārattiko, āyasiko, pāsiko; –-’ghatena abhisaṅkhataṃ saṃsaṭṭhaṃ vā’ ghātikaṃ, goḷikaṃ, dādhikaṃ, māricikaṃ–-’jālena hato hantīti vā’ jāliko, bāḷisiko–-’akkhohi jita’makkhikaṃ, sālākikaṃ–-’akkhehi jayati dibbati vā’ akkhiko–-’khaṇittiyā khaṇatī’ti khāṇittiko, kuddāliko-devadattena jitamaṅgulyā khaṇatīti na hoti tadatthā navagamā–-’uḷumpena taratī’ti oḷumpiko; uḷumpikoti-iko; gopucchiko; nāviko–-’sakaṭena caratī’ti sākaṭiko. Rathiko–-parappikoti iko-’khandhena vahatī’ti khandhiko, aṃsiko; sīsikoti-iko–-’vetatena jīvatī’ti khandhiko, aṃsiko; sīsikoti-iko–-’vetanena jīvatī’ti vetaniko, bhatiko, kayiko, vikkayiko; kayavikkayayikoti-iko.

From a word ending in the third case, the affix 'ṇiko' occurs in such senses as 'done by that' and so on. For example: 'done by the body' becomes kāyikaṃ, vācasikaṃ, mānasikaṃ; 'an illness caused by wind' becomes vātiko. 'Bought for a hundred' becomes sātikaṃ, sāhassikaṃ; however, 'bought by Devadatta from the start' is not formed, as that meaning is not conveyed. 'Bound by a strap' becomes vārattiko, āyasiko, pāsiko. 'Prepared with or mixed with ghee' becomes ghātikaṃ, goḷikaṃ, dādhikaṃ, māricikaṃ. 'Killed by a net' or 'kills by a net' becomes jāliko, bāḷisiko. 'Won by dice' becomes akkhikaṃ, sālākikaṃ. 'Wins by dice' or 'plays with dice' becomes akkhiko. 'Digs with a spade' becomes khāṇittiko, kuddāliko; however, 'won by Devadatta' or 'digs with a finger' are not formed, as that meaning is not understood. 'Crosses by a raft' becomes oḷumpiko; uḷumpiko is formed with 'iko'; also gopucchiko, nāviko. 'Travels by cart' becomes sākaṭiko; also rathiko; parappiko is formed with 'iko'. 'Carries on the shoulder' becomes khandhiko, aṃsiko; sīsiko is formed with 'iko'. 'Lives by wages' becomes vetaniko, bhatiko, kayiko, vikkayiko; kayavikkayiko is formed with 'iko'.

Tassa saṃvattati-.

The affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'it conduces to that'.

Catutthyantā saṃvattati asmiṃ atthe ṇiko hoti;’punabbhavāya saṃvattatī’ti ponobhaviko, itthiyaṃ-ponobhavikā;’lokāya saṃvattatī’ti lokiko,’ suṭṭhu aggo’ti saggo,’saggāya saṃvattatī’ti sovaggiko, sassāvैka tadaminādi pāṭhā–-’dhanāya saṃvattatī’ti dhaññaṃ-yo.

From a word ending in the fourth case, the affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'it conduces to that'. For example: 'it conduces to rebirth' becomes ponobhaviko; in the feminine, ponobhavikā. 'It conduces to the world' becomes lokiko. 'Saggo' means 'very excellent'; 'it conduces to heaven (sagga)' becomes sovaggiko. (This is based on variant readings such as sassāvaka and tadaminā). 'It conduces to wealth' becomes dhaññaṃ, with the affix 'yo'.

Tato sambhutamāgataṃ-.

The affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'arisen from that' or 'come from that'.

Pañcamyantā sambhutamāgatantietesvatthesu ṇiko hoti;’mātito sambhutamāgatanti vā’ mattikaṃ, pettikaṃ–-ṇyariyaṇryāpi dissanti–-’surabhito sambhutaṃ’ sorabhyaṃ;’thanato sambhutaṃ’ thaññaṃ;’pitito sambhuto’ pettiyo, mātiyo, mattiyo; macco vā.

From a word ending in the fifth case, the affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the senses of 'arisen from that' or 'come from that'. For example: 'arisen from or come from the mother' becomes mattikaṃ, pettikaṃ. The affixes 'ṇya', 'riya', and 'ṇya' are also seen. For example: 'arisen from fragrance' becomes sorabhyaṃ; 'arisen from the breast' becomes thaññaṃ. 'Arisen from the father' becomes pettiyo, mātiyo, mattiyo; or macco.

Tattha vasati vidito bhatto niyutto-.

The affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'he dwells there', 'is known there', 'is devoted there', or 'is appointed there'.

Sattamyantā vasatītvevamādisvatthesu ṇiko hoti;’rukkhamūle vasatī’ti rukkhamuliko,āraññiko, sosāniko;’loke vidito’ lokiko;’catumahārājesu bhattā’ cātummahārājikā;;dvāre niyutto’ dovāriko; dassoka tadaminādipāṭhā,bhaṇḍāgāriko;-iko navakammiko–-kiyo-jātikiyo, andhakiyo.

From a word ending in the seventh case, the affix 'ṇiko' occurs in such senses as 'he dwells there' and so on. For example: 'he dwells at the foot of a tree' becomes rukkhamūliko, āraññiko, sosāniko. 'Known in the world' becomes lokiko. 'Devoted to the Four Great Kings' becomes cātummahārājikā. 'Appointed at the gate' becomes dovāriko. (Based on variant readings such as dassoka and tadaminā). Also: bhaṇḍāgāriko; navakammiko is formed with 'iko'. The affix 'kiyo' is used in: jātikiyo, andhakiyo.

Tassidaṃ-.

The affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'this is his'.

Chaṭṭhiyantā idamiccasmiṃatthe ṇiko hoti;’saṅghassa idaṃ’ saṅghikaṃ, puggalikaṃ, sakyaputtiko, nāthaputtiko, jenadattiko–-kiye-sakiyo, parakiyo; niye-attaniyaṃ;ke-sako, rājakaṃ, bhaddhaṃ.

From a word ending in the sixth case, the affix 'ṇiko' occurs in the sense of 'this is his'. For example: 'this belongs to the Sangha' becomes saṅghikaṃ, puggalikaṃ, sakyaputtiko, nāthaputtiko, jenadattiko. With the affix 'kiya': sakiyo, parakiyo. With the affix 'niya': attaniyaṃ. With the affix 'ka': sako, rājakaṃ, bhaddhaṃ.

Ṇo-.

The affix 'ṇa'.

Chaṭṭhiyantā idamiccasmiṃ atthe ṇo hoti;’kaccāyanassैdaṃ’ kaccāyanaṃ, vyākaraṇaṃ; sogataṃ, sāsanaṃ; māhisaṃ, maṃsādi.

From a word ending in the sixth case, the affix 'ṇa' occurs in the sense of 'this is his'. For example: 'this of Kaccāyana' becomes kaccāyanaṃ, i.e., the grammar; sogataṃ, i.e., the teaching of the Sugata; māhisaṃ, i.e., the meat, etc., of a buffalo.

Gavādīhi yo-.

From 'go' and other such words, the affix 'yo' occurs.

Gavādīhi chaṭṭhiyantehi idamiccasmiṃ atthe yo hoti;’gunnaṃ idaṃ’gabyaṃ, maṃsādi; kabyaṃ, dabbaṃ.

From words such as 'go' ending in the sixth case, the affix 'yo' occurs in the sense of 'this is theirs'. For example: 'this of cattle' becomes gabyaṃ, i.e., meat, etc.; kabyaṃ, i.e., poetry; dabbaṃ, i.e., substance.

Pitito bhātari reyyaṇa-.

From 'pitu', in the sense of 'brother', the affix 'reyyaṇa' occurs.

Pitusaddā tassa bhātari reyyaṇa hoti;’pitubhātā’ petteyyo.

From the word 'pitu', the affix 'reyyaṇa' occurs in the sense of 'his brother'; 'father's brother' becomes petteyyo (paternal uncle).

Mātito ca bhaginiyaṃ cho-.

And from 'mātu', in the sense of 'sister', the affix 'cho' occurs.

Mātito pitito ca tesaṃ bhaginīyaṃ cho hoti;’mātu bhagini’ mātucchā;’pitubhaginī’ pitucchā–-kathaṃ mātulotu?’Mātulāditvānī’ti nipātanā.

From 'mātu' and 'pitu', the affix 'cho' occurs in the sense of 'their sister'; 'mother's sister' becomes mātucchā (maternal aunt); 'father's sister' becomes pitucchā (paternal aunt). How then is 'mātula' (maternal uncle) formed? It is formed by irregular derivation, being in the 'mātula' etc. group.

Mātāpitusvāmaho-.

From 'mātā' and 'pitu', in the sense of 'lord' or 'master', the affix 'aho' occurs.

Mātāpitūhi tesaṃ mātāpitusvāmaho hoti;’mātumātā’ mātāmahī;’mātupitā’ mātāmaho;’pitumātā’ patāmahī;’pitupitā’ pitāmaho–-na yathāsaṃkhyaṃ paccekābhisambandhā.

From 'mātā' and 'pitu', the affix 'āmaho' occurs in the sense of 'their mother' or 'their father'. For example: 'mother's mother' becomes mātāmahī (maternal grandmother); 'mother's father' becomes mātāmaho (maternal grandfather); 'father's mother' becomes pitāmahī; 'father's father' becomes pitāmaho (paternal grandfather). This is not applied in respective order, but by individual connection.

Nahite reyyaṇa-.

In the sense of 'beneficial to them', the affix 'reyyaṇa' occurs.

Mātāpituhi hite reyyaṇa hoti; matteyyo, petteyyo.

From 'mātā' and 'pitu', the affix 'reyyaṇa' occurs in the sense of 'beneficial'; matteyyo (one who is beneficial to his mother), petteyyo (one who is beneficial to his father).

Nindāññātappapaṭibhāgarassadayāsaññāsu ko-.

In the senses of blame, the unknown, smallness, resemblance, shortness, compassion, and designation, the affix 'ko' occurs.

Nindādīsvatthesu nāmasmā ko hoti; nindāyaṃ-muṇḍako, samaṇako; aññāte-’kassāyaṃ asso’ti assako–-

In the senses of blame and so on, the affix 'ko' occurs after a noun. In the sense of blame: muṇḍako (a contemptible shaveling), samaṇako (a contemptible ascetic). In the sense of the unknown: from 'kassa ayaṃ asso' (whose horse is this?), it becomes assako (a horse of unknown ownership).

Payogasāmatthiyā sambandhivisesānavagamo’vagamyate–-appatthe-telakaṃ, ghatakaṃ–-paṭibhāgatthe-’hatthi viya’ hatthiko, assako, balivaddako–-rasse-mānusako, rukkhako, pilakkhako–-dayāyaṃ-puttako, vacchako–-saññāyaṃ-’moroviya’ morako.

In the sense of smallness: telakaṃ (a little oil), ghatakaṃ (a little ghee). In the sense of resemblance: from 'hatthi viya' (like an elephant), it becomes hatthiko (elephant-like), assako (horse-like), balivaddako (ox-like). In the sense of shortness: mānusako (a short man), rukkhako (a small tree), pilakkhako (a small fig tree). In the sense of compassion: puttako (dear little son), vacchako (dear little calf). In the sense of designation: from 'moro viya' (like a peacock), it becomes morako (a peacock-like figure).

Tamassa parimāṇaṃ ṇiko ca-.

The affix 'ṇiko' also occurs in the sense of 'that is its measure'.

Paṭhamantā asseti asmiṃ atthe ṇiko hoti ko ca, taṃ ce paṭhamantaṃ parimāṇaṃ bhavati;’parimiyate’tene’ti parimāṇaṃ–-’doṇo parimāṇamassa’ doṇiko, vīhi; khārasatiko, khārasahassiko, āsītiko, vayo; upaḍḍhakāyikaṃ, bimbohanaṃ; pañcakaṃ,chakkaṃ.

After a word ending in the first case, in the sense of 'its', the suffixes 'ṇika' and 'ka' occur, if that word ending in the first case is a measure; 'that by which it is measured' is a measure. 'A doṇa is its measure' becomes 'doṇiko' (a doṇa-measure of), e.g., rice; 'khārasatiko' (a hundred measures of khāra), 'khārasahassiko' (a thousand measures of khāra); 'āsītiko' (eighty years old), e.g., age; 'upaḍḍhakāyikaṃ' (half-body sized), e.g., a pillow; 'pañcakaṃ' (a group of five), 'chakkaṃ' (a group of six).

Satetehi ttako-.

After 'sa' (that) and 'eta' (this), the suffix 'ttaka' occurs.

Yādīhi paṭhamantehiasseti chaṭṭhatthettako hoti, taṃ ve paṭhamantaṃ parimāṇaṃ bhavati;’yaṃ paramāṇamassa yantakaṃ, tattakaṃ, ettakaṃ; āvatake-yāvatako, tāvatako.

After words such as 'ya' (which) ending in the first case, in the sense of 'its' (the sixth case), the suffix 'ttaka' occurs, if that word ending in the first case is a measure; 'what is its measure' becomes 'yattakaṃ' (as much), 'tattakaṃ' (that much), 'ettakaṃ' (this much); in the sense of extent: 'yāvatako' (as far as), 'tāvatako' (that far).

Sabbā cāvantu-.

And after 'sabba' (all), the suffix 'āvantu' occurs.

Sabbato paṭhamantehi yādīhi ca asseti chaṭṭhatthe āvantu hoti, taṃ ve paṭhamantaṃ parimāṇaṃ bhavati;’sabbaṃ parimāṇamassa’ sabbāvantaṃ, yāvantaṃ, tāvantaṃ, etāvantaṃ.

After 'sabba' (all) and words such as 'ya' (which) ending in the first case, in the sense of 'its' (the sixth case), the suffix 'āvantu' occurs, if that word ending in the first case is a measure; 'all is its measure' becomes 'sabbāvantaṃ' (all-encompassing), 'yāvantaṃ' (as much as), 'tāvantaṃ' (that much), 'etāvantaṃ' (this much).

Kimhā ratirivarīvatakarittakā-.

After 'kiṃ' (what), the suffixes 'rati', 'rī', 'varī', 'vataka', and 'rittaka' occur.

Kimhā paṭhamantā asseti chaṭṭhatthe ratirīvarīvatakarittakā honti, taṃ ce paṭhamantaṃ parimāṇaṃ bhavati;’kiṃ saṃkhyānaṃ parimāṇamesaṃ’ kati, ete; kiva, kīvatakaṃ, kittakaṃ–-rīvanto sabhāvato asaṃkhyo.

After 'kiṃ' (what) ending in the first case, in the sense of 'its' (the sixth case), the suffixes 'rati', 'rī', 'varī', 'vataka', and 'rittaka' occur, if that word ending in the first case is a measure; 'what number is their measure?' becomes 'kati' (how many), e.g., these; 'kiva' (how much), 'kīvatakaṃ' (how much), 'kittakaṃ' (how much)—the word ending in 'rī' is by nature immeasurable.

Saṃjātaṃ tārakāditvito-.

In the sense of 'arisen', after 'tāraka' (star) and so on, the suffix 'ita' occurs.

Tārakādīhi paṭhamantehiasseti chaṭṭhattheito hoti, te ve saṃjātā honti;’tārakāsaṃjātā assa’ tārakitaṃ, gaganaṃ; pupphīto, rukkho; pallavitā, latā.

After words such as 'tāraka' (star) ending in the first case, in the sense of 'its' (the sixth case), the suffix 'ita' occurs, when these things have arisen; 'stars have arisen in it' becomes 'tārakitaṃ' (starry), e.g., the sky; 'pupphita' (flowered), e.g., a tree; 'pallavitā' (sprouted), e.g., a creeper.

Māne matto-.

In the sense of 'measure', the suffix 'matta' occurs.

Paṭhamantā mānavuttito asseti asmiṃ atthe mattohoti;’palaṃ ummānamassa’ palamattaṃ,’hattho pamāṇamassa’ hatthamattaṃ,’sataṃ mānamassa’ satamattaṃ,’doṇo parimāṇamassa’ doṇamattaṃ–-abhedopavārā doṇotipi hoti.

After a word ending in the first case that denotes a measure, in the sense of 'its', the suffix 'matta' occurs; 'a pala is its weight' becomes 'palamattaṃ' (a pala's measure); 'a hand is its length' becomes 'hatthamattaṃ' (a hand's measure); 'a hundred is its quantity' becomes 'satamattaṃ' (a hundred's measure); 'a doṇa is its capacity' becomes 'doṇamattaṃ' (a doṇa's measure)—through metaphorical application based on non-difference, 'doṇa' itself also occurs in this sense.

Taggho vuddhaṃ-.

In the sense of 'up to', the suffix 'taggha' occurs.

Uddhamānavuttito asseti chaṭṭhatthe tagghā hotīmैtto ca; jaṇṇutagghaṃ, jaṇṇumattaṃ.

After a word denoting an upward measure, in the sense of 'its' (the sixth case), the suffixes 'taggha' and 'matta' occur; 'jaṇṇutagghaṃ' (up to the knee), 'jaṇṇumattaṃ' (knee-measure).

Ṇo ca purisā-.

And after 'purisa' (man), the suffix 'ṇa' occurs.

Purisā paṭhamantā uddhamānavuttito ṇo hoti mattādayo ca; porisaṃ, purisamattaṃ, purisatagghaṃ.

After 'purisa' (man) ending in the first case, when denoting an upward measure, the suffix 'ṇa' occurs, as do 'matta' and so on; 'porisaṃ' (a man's height), 'purisamattaṃ' (a man's measure), 'purisatagghaṃ' (up to a man's height).

Ayubhavītīhaṃse-.

After 'ubha' (both) and 'vīti', in the sense of 'part', the suffix 'aya' occurs.

Ubavitīhi avayavavuttīhi paṭhamantehi asseti chaṭṭhatthe ayo hoti;’ ubho aṃsā assa’ ubhayaṃ, dvayaṃ, tayaṃ.

After 'ubha' and 'vīti' ending in the first case and expressing a part, in the sense of 'its' (the sixth case), the suffix 'aya' occurs; 'both parts are its' becomes 'ubhayaṃ' (both); 'dvayaṃ' (a pair), 'tayaṃ' (a trio).

Saṃkhyāya saccutīsasadasantādhakāsmiṃ satasahasseḍo-.

After a numeral ending in 'sati', 'uti', 'īsa', 'āsa', or 'dasa', in the sense of 'more than' in 'this' (locative), when 'this' is a hundred or a thousand, the suffix 'ḍa' occurs.

Satyantāya utyantāya īsantāya āsantāya dasantāya ca saṃkhyāya paṭhamantāya asminti sattamyatthe ḍo hoti, sā ce saṃkhyā adhikā hoti, yadasminti taṃ ce sataṃ sahassaṃsata

After a numeral ending in 'sati', 'uti', 'īsa', 'āsa', or 'dasa', which is in the first case, the suffix 'ḍa' occurs in the sense of 'in this' (the seventh case), if that numeral is 'more', and if that 'this' is a hundred or a thousand.

Sahassaṃ vā hoti;’vīsati adhikā asmiṃ sate’ti vīsaṃsataṃ, ekavīsaṃsataṃ, sahassaṃ satasahassaṃ vā–-tiṃsaṃsataṃ, ekatiṃsaṃ sataṃ –-utyantāya -navutaṃsataṃ, sahassaṃ satasahassaṃ vā –-īsantiya-cattārīsaṃsataṃ, sahassaṃ satasahassaṃ vā–-āsantāya-paññāsaṃsataṃ sahassaṃ satasahassaṃ vā–-dasantāya-ekādasaṃ sataṃ, sahassaṃ satasahassaṃ vā–-saccutīsāsadasanteti kiṃ?Chādhikā asmiṃ sate; adhiketi kiṃ? Pañcadasahīnā asmiṃ sate; asminti kiṃ? Vīsatyadhikā etasmāsatā; satasahasseti kiṃ? Ekādasaadhikā assaṃ vīsatiyaṃ.

or a thousand; 'twenty more in this hundred' becomes 'vīsaṃsataṃ' (one hundred and twenty), 'ekavīsaṃsataṃ' (one hundred and twenty-one), or (in a) thousand or hundred thousand; 'tiṃsaṃsataṃ' (one hundred and thirty), 'ekatiṃsaṃ sataṃ' (one hundred and thirty-one); for a word ending in 'uti': 'navutaṃsataṃ' (one hundred and ninety), or (in a) thousand or hundred thousand; for a word ending in 'īsa': 'cattārīsaṃsataṃ' (one hundred and forty), or (in a) thousand or hundred thousand; for a word ending in 'āsa': 'paññāsaṃsataṃ' (one hundred and fifty), or (in a) thousand or hundred thousand; for a word ending in 'dasa': 'ekādasaṃ sataṃ' (one hundred and eleven), or (in a) thousand or hundred thousand. What is the purpose of stating 'ending in sati, uti, īsa, āsa, and dasa'? (Example where it does not apply): 'Six more in this hundred'. What is the purpose of stating 'more'? (Example where it does not apply): 'Fifteen less in this hundred'. What is the purpose of stating 'in this'? (Example where it does not apply): 'Twenty more than this hundred'. What is the purpose of stating 'hundred or thousand'? (Example where it does not apply): 'Eleven more in this twenty'.

Tassa pūreṇekādasādito vā-.

In the sense of its ordinal, after 'ekādasa' (eleven) and so on, the suffix 'ḍa' occurs optionally.

Chaṭṭhīyantāyekādasādikāya saṃkhyāya ḍo hoti pūraṇatthe vibhāsā; sā saṃkhyāpūrīyateyenataṃ pūraṇaṃ’ekādasannaṃ pūraṇo’ekādaso, ekādasamo; vīso, vīsatimo; tiṃso, tīṃsatimo; cattālīso, paññāso.

After a numeral from 'ekādasa' (eleven) onwards ending in the sixth case, the suffix 'ḍa' occurs optionally in the sense of an ordinal; that by which a number is completed is the ordinal; 'the completion of eleven' becomes 'ekādaso' or 'ekādasamo' (eleventh); 'vīso' or 'vīsatimo' (twentieth); 'tiṃso' or 'tīṃsatimo' (thirtieth); 'cattālīso' (fortieth), 'paññāso' (fiftieth).

Ma paṃcādikatīhi-.

After numerals from 'pañca' (five) onwards, and after 'kati' (how many), the suffix 'ma' occurs.

Chaṭṭhīyantāya paṃcādikāya saṃkhyāyakatismā ca mo hoti pūraṇatthe; pañcamo, sattamo, aṭṭhamo; katimo, katimī.

After a numeral from 'pañca' (five) onwards ending in the sixth case, and after 'kati' (how many), the suffix 'ma' occurs in the sense of an ordinal; 'pañcamo' (fifth), 'sattamo' (seventh), 'aṭṭhamo' (eighth); 'katimo' (which in order?), 'katimī' (which in order?, feminine).

Satādīnami ca-.

And for 'sata' (hundred) and so on, 'i' is also substituted.

Satādikāya saṃkhyāya chaṭṭhiyantāya puraṇatthe mo hoti, satādinamicāntādeso; satimo, sahassimo.

After a numeral from 'sata' (hundred) onwards ending in the sixth case, the suffix 'ma' occurs in the sense of an ordinal, and 'i' is substituted for the final vowel of 'sata' and so on; 'satimo' (hundredth), 'sahassimo' (thousandth).

Chā ddhaddhamā -.

After 'cha' (six), the suffixes 'ṭṭha' and 'ṭṭhama' occur.

Chasaddāṭṭhaṭṭhamāhonti tassa pūraṇatthe; chaṭṭho, chaṭṭhamo; itthīya-chaṭṭhi chaṭṭhami–-kathaṃ,dutiyaṃ tatiyaṃ catutthanti? Dutiyassa-catutthatatiyānanti-nipātanā.

After the word 'cha' (six), the suffixes 'ṭṭha' and 'ṭṭhama' occur in the sense of its ordinal; 'chaṭṭho' (sixth), 'chaṭṭhamo' (sixth); in the feminine: 'chaṭṭhī' (sixth), 'chaṭṭhamī' (sixth). How then are 'dutiyaṃ' (second), 'tatiyaṃ' (third), and 'catutthaṃ' (fourth) formed? Through the irregular formation of 'dutiya', 'tatiya', and 'catuttha'.

Ekā kākyasahāye-.

After 'eka' (one), in the sense of 'without a companion', the suffixes 'ka' and 'āki' occur.

Ekasmā asahāyatthe kaāki honti vā; ekako, ekāki, eko.

After 'eka' (one), in the sense of 'without a companion', the suffixes 'ka' and 'āki' occur optionally; 'ekako' (alone), 'ekāki' (solitary), 'eko' (one).

Vacchādīhi tanutte taro-.

From 'vaccha' and so on, in the sense of 'slightness', the suffix 'tara' occurs.

Vacchādīnaṃ sabhāvassa tanutte gamyamānetaro hoti; susuttassa tanutte-vacchataro; itthiyaṃ-vacchatarī; yobbanassatanuttै-okkhataro; assabhāvassa tanutte-assataro; sāmatthiyassa tanuttै-usabhataro.

When the slightness of the nature of 'vaccha' (calf) and so on is implied, 'tara' occurs; in the sense of the slightness of a well-suckled calf: 'vacchataro' (a very young calf); in the feminine: 'vacchatarī' (a very young female calf); in the sense of the slightness of youth: 'okkhataro' (a young ox); in the sense of the slightness of a horse's nature: 'assataro' (a mule); in the sense of the slightness of strength: 'usabhataro' (a young bull).

Kimhā nidhāraṇe ratararatamā-.

From 'kiṃ', in the sense of 'selection', the suffixes 'ratara' and 'ratama' occur.

Kiṃsaddā niddhāraṇe ratararatamā hontī; kataro bhavataṃ devadatto; kataro bhavataṃ kaṭho; katamo bhavataṃ devadatto; katamo bhavataṃ kaṭho; bhāradvājānaṃ katamo’si brahme.

From the word 'kiṃ', the suffixes 'ratara' and 'ratama' occur in the sense of selection; 'kataro bhavataṃ devadatto?' (Which of you two is Devadatta?); 'kataro bhavataṃ kaṭho?' (Which of you two is Kaṭha?); 'katamo bhavataṃ devadatto?' (Which among you is Devadatta?); 'katamo bhavataṃ kaṭho?' (Which among you is Kaṭha?); 'bhāradvājānaṃ katamo’si brahme?' (Among the Bhāradvājas, which one are you, O Brahmin?).

Tena datte liyā-.

In the sense of 'given by that', the suffixes 'la' and 'iya' occur.

Tatiyantā datte’bhidheye lैyā honti;’devenadatto; devalo; deviyo; brahmalo; brahmayo–-sivā-sīvalo; sīviyo; sissa dīgho.

After a word ending in the third case, when 'given' is the meaning, the suffixes `la` and `iya` occur; 'given by a deva' becomes `devalo` or `deviyo`; `brahmalo`, `brahmayo`; from `siva`: `sīvalo`, `sīviyo`; the `i` of `siva` is lengthened.

Tassa bhāvakammesu ttatāttanaṇyaṇeyya ṇiyaṇiyayā-.

In the sense of its state and action, the suffixes 'tta', 'tā', 'ttana', 'ṇya', 'ṇeyya', 'ṇiya', and 'ṇiyā' occur.

Chaṭṭhiyantā bhāve kamme ca ttādayo honti bahulaṃ; na ca sabbe sabbato honti,añaññatra ttatāhi–-’bhavanti etasmābuddhisaddā’ti bhāvo, saddassa pavattinittaṃ–-’nīlassapaṭassa bhāvo’ nīlattaṃ, nīlatāti guṇo bhāvo–-’nīlassaguṇassa bhāvo nīlattaṃ, nīlatātī nīlaguṇajāti; gottaṃ gotāti, gojāti–-pācakattaṃ daṇḍittaṃ visāṇittaṃ rājapurisattanti kriyādisambandhittaṃ–-devadattatta candattaṃ sūriyattantītadavatthāvisesasāmaññaṃ–-ākāsattaṃ abhācattanti upacaritabhedasāmaññaṃ–-ttana-puthujjanattanaṃ; vedanattanaṃ; jāyattanaṃ jārattanaṃ–-ṇya-ālasyaṃ brahmaññaṃ cāpalyaṃ nepuññaṃpesuññaṃ rajjaṃ ādhipaccaṃ dāyajjaṃ vesammaṃ; vesamanti keci, sakhyaṃ vāṇijjaṃ–-ṇeyya-soceyyaṃ, ādhipateyyaṃ–-ṇa-gāravaṃ pāṭavaṃ ajjavaṃ maddavaṃ–-iya-adhipatiyaṃ paṇḍitiyaṃ bahussutiyaṃnaggiyaṃ sūriyaṃ –-ṇiya-ālasiyaṃ kālusiyaṃ mandiyaṃ dakkhiyaṃ porohitiyaṃ veyyattiyaṃ–-kathaṃ, rāmaṇīyakanti-sakatthe kantāṇena siddhaṃ–-kammaṃ kriyā; tattha.’Alasassa kammaṃ’ alasattaṃ, alasatā, alasattanaṃ; ālasyaṃ ālasiyaṃvā–-’sakatthe’ti. Sakatthe’pi yathābhuccaṃkāruññaṃ pattakallaṃ ākāsānañcaṃ, kāyapaguññatā.

After a word ending in the sixth case, 'tta' and so on occur frequently in the sense of state and action; and not all affixes occur from all words, except for 'tta' and 'tā'. 'From this, words of intelligence arise' is 'state' (bhāva), the cause of a word's occurrence. 'The state of a blue cloth' becomes 'nīlattaṃ', 'nīlatā' (blueness); this is the state of a quality. 'The state of the quality of blue' becomes 'nīlattaṃ', 'nīlatā'; this is the class of the quality of blue. 'gottaṃ', 'gotā' is the class of cattle. 'pācakattaṃ' (state of a cook), 'daṇḍittaṃ' (state of having a stick), 'visāṇittaṃ' (state of having horns), 'rājapurisattaṃ' (state of a king's man)—these are connections with action, etc. 'devadattattaṃ' (state of Devadatta), 'candattaṃ' (state of the moon), 'sūriyattaṃ' (state of the sun)—these are the generality of a particular state. 'ākāsattaṃ' (state of space), 'abhāvattaṃ' (state of non-existence)—these are the generality of a figurative distinction. 'ttana': 'puthujjanattanaṃ' (state of a common person); 'vedanattanaṃ' (state of feeling); 'jāyattanaṃ' (state of a wife), 'jārattanaṃ' (state of a paramour). 'ṇya': 'ālasyaṃ' (laziness), 'brahmaññaṃ' (state of a Brahmin), 'cāpalyaṃ' (fickleness), 'nepuññaṃ' (skill), 'pesuññaṃ' (slander), 'rajjaṃ' (kingship), 'ādhipaccaṃ' (sovereignty), 'dāyajjaṃ' (inheritance), 'vesammaṃ' (unevenness); some say 'vesamaṃ'; 'sakhyaṃ' (friendship), 'vāṇijjaṃ' (trade). 'ṇeyya': 'soceyyaṃ' (purity), 'ādhipateyyaṃ' (sovereignty). 'ṇa': 'gāravaṃ' (respect), 'pāṭavaṃ' (skill), 'ajjavaṃ' (straightness), 'maddavaṃ' (gentleness). 'iya': 'adhipatiyaṃ' (sovereignty), 'paṇḍitiyaṃ' (wisdom), 'bahussutiyaṃ' (great learning), 'naggiyaṃ' (nakedness), 'sūriyaṃ' (bravery). 'ṇiya': 'ālasiyaṃ' (laziness), 'kālusiyaṃ' (impurity), 'mandiyaṃ' (dullness), 'dakkhiyaṃ' (skill), 'porohitiyaṃ' (priesthood), 'veyyattiyaṃ' (eloquence). How is 'rāmaṇīyakaṃ' (loveliness) formed? It is accomplished by the suffix 'ka' in its own meaning. Action is 'kriyā'; in that sense, 'the action of a lazy one' becomes 'alasattaṃ', 'alasatā', 'alasattanaṃ' (laziness); or 'ālasyaṃ', 'ālasiyaṃ'. In its own meaning: Also in its own meaning, as it occurs: 'kāruññaṃ' (compassion), 'pattakallaṃ' (timeliness), 'ākāsānañcaṃ' (infinity of space), 'kāyapāguññatā' (bodily proficiency).

Bya vaddhadāsā vā-.

From 'vaddha' and 'dāsa', the suffix 'bya' occurs optionally.

Chaṭṭhayantā vaddhā dāsā ca byo vāhoti bhāvakammesu; vaddhakhyaṃ, vaddhatā; dāsabyaṃ; dāsatā–-kathaṃ, vaddhavanti ṇe vāgamo.

After 'vaddha' and 'dāsa' ending in the sixth case, 'bya' occurs optionally in the sense of state and action; 'vaddhakhyaṃ', 'vaddhatā' (old age); 'dāsabyaṃ', 'dāsatā' (slavery). How is 'vaddhavanti' formed? The augment 'ṇa' occurs optionally.

Naṇa yuvā kho cavassa-.

From 'yuvan', indeed, the suffixes 'ṇa' and 'vassa' occur.

Chaṭṭhiyantā yuvasdā bhāvakammesunaṇa vā hoti, vassabo ca; yobbanaṃ; vātveva-yuvattaṃ, yuvatā.

From the word 'yuvan' ending in the sixth case, in the sense of state and action, the suffix 'ṇa' occurs optionally; for example, 'yobbanaṃ'. Because of the option, 'yuvattaṃ' and 'yuvatā' are also formed.

Aṇvāditvimo-.

From 'aṇu' and so on, the suffix 'ima' occurs.

Aṇuādīhi chaṭṭhiyantehi bhāve vā ime hoti; aṇimā; laghimā; mahimā;kasimā–-vātveva-aṇuttaṃ; aṇutā.

From 'aṇu' and so on, ending in the sixth case, the suffix 'ima' occurs optionally in the sense of state; for example, 'aṇimā', 'laghimā', 'mahimā', 'kasimā'. Because of the option, 'aṇuttaṃ' and 'aṇutā' are also formed.

Bhāvā tena nibbatte-.

From a word denoting a state, in the sense of 'produced by that'.

Bhāvavācakā saddā tena nibbatte’bhidheye imo hoti;’pākena nibbattaṃ’ pākimaṃ; sekimaṃ.

From words denoting a state, when 'produced by that' is the meaning, the suffix 'ima' occurs; for example, 'pākena nibbattaṃ' (produced by ripening) becomes 'pākimaṃ'; 'sekimaṃ'.

Taratamissikiyiṭṭhātisaye-.

In the sense of excellence, the suffixes 'tara', 'tama', 'issika', 'iya', and 'iṭṭha' occur.

Atisaye vattamānato hontete paccayā;’atisayena pāpo’ pāpataro; pāpatamo, pāpissiko, pāpiyo, pāpiṭṭho–-itthiyaṃ-pāpatarā–-atisayantāpi atisayappaccayo;’atisayena pāpiṭṭho’ pāpiṭṭhataro.

From a word in the sense of excellence, these suffixes occur: from 'atisayena pāpo' (exceedingly evil) come 'pāpataro' (more evil), 'pāpatamo' (most evil), 'pāpissiko' (very evil), 'pāpiyo' (more evil), 'pāpiṭṭho' (most evil); in the feminine, 'pāpatarā'. Even from a word ending in a suffix of excellence, another such suffix can occur; for example, from 'atisayena pāpiṭṭho' (exceedingly most evil) comes 'pāpiṭṭhataro'.

Tannissite llo-.

In the sense of 'dependent on that', the suffix 'lla' occurs.

Dutiyantā llappaccayo hoti nissitatthe;’vedanissitaṃ’ vedallaṃ;’ duṭhunissitaṃ’ duṭṭhullaṃ–-ille-saṅkhārillaṃ.

From words ending in the second case, the suffix 'lla' occurs in the sense of 'dependent'; for example, 'vedanissitaṃ' becomes 'vedallaṃ' (that which is related to feeling); 'duṭṭhunissitaṃ' becomes 'duṭṭhullaṃ' (that which is related to wickedness). The suffix 'illa' also occurs, as in 'saṅkhārillaṃ'.

Tassa vikārāvayavesu ṇṇikaṇeyyamayā-.

In the sense of its modifications and parts, the suffixes 'ṇa', 'ṇika', 'ṇeyya', and 'maya' occur.

Pakatiyā uttaramavatthantaraṃ vikāro–-chaṭṭhiyantā nāmasmā vikāre’vayave ca ṇādayohontibahulaṃ; ṇa-āyasaṃ, bandhanaṃ; odumbaraṃ, paṇṇaṃ; odumbaraṃ, bhasmaṃ; kāpātैṃ, maṃsaṃ; kāpotaṃ, satthi –-ṇika-kappāsikaṃ, vatthaṃ; ṇeyya-eṇeyyaṃ,maṃsaṃ; eṇeyyaṃ, satthi; koseyyaṃ, vatthaṃ–-maya-tiṇamayaṃ; dārumayaṃ, naḷamayaṃ; mattikāmayaṃ–-’aññasminti’. Gunnaṃkarīse’pi mayo; gomayaṃ.

A modification is a different state subsequent to the original nature. From nouns ending in the sixth case, the suffixes 'ṇa' and so on occur frequently in the sense of modification and part: 'ṇa' – 'āyasaṃ' (made of iron), 'bandhanaṃ' (a bond); 'odumbaraṃ, paṇṇaṃ' (a leaf of the Udumbara tree); 'odumbaraṃ, bhasmaṃ' (ash of the Udumbara tree); 'kāpotaṃ, maṃsaṃ' (flesh of a pigeon); 'kāpotaṃ, satthi' (thigh of a pigeon). 'ṇika' – 'kappāsikaṃ, vatthaṃ' (a cloth made of cotton). 'ṇeyya' – 'eṇeyyaṃ, maṃsaṃ' (flesh of a deer); 'eṇeyyaṃ, satthi' (thigh of a deer); 'koseyyaṃ, vatthaṃ' (a cloth made of silk). 'maya' – 'tiṇamayaṃ' (made of grass); 'dārumayaṃ' (made of wood), 'naḷamayaṃ' (made of reed); 'mattikāmayaṃ' (made of clay). In another sense also: even in the dung of cattle, 'maya' occurs; 'gomayaṃ'.

Jatuto ssaṇvā-.

From 'jatu' (lac), the suffix 'ssaṇa' occurs optionally.

Chaṭṭhiyantā nāmasmājatuto vikāravayavesussaṇvā hoti;’jatuno vikāro’ jātussaṃjātumayaṃ–-‘‘lopo‘‘ti. Bahulaṃ paccayalopo’pi phalapupphamūlesuvikārāvayavesu;’ piyālassa phalāni’ piyālāni;’mallikāya pupphāni’ pallikā;’usīrassa mūlaṃ’usīraṃ–-taṃsaddenavā tadabhidhānaṃ.

From the noun 'jatu' ending in the sixth case, in the sense of modification and part, the suffix 'ssaṇa' occurs optionally; 'jatuno vikāro' (a modification of lac) becomes 'jātussaṃ' or 'jātumayaṃ'. Elision: There is also frequent elision of the suffix in the sense of modification and part for fruits, flowers, and roots; 'piyālassa phalāni' becomes 'piyālāni' (the fruits of the piyāla tree); 'mallikāya pupphāni' becomes 'pallikā' (the flowers of the jasmine); 'usīrassa mūlaṃ' becomes 'usīraṃ' (the root of the usīra grass). Or that is denoted by the word itself.

Samūhe kaṇṇaṇikā-.

In the sense of a group, the suffixes 'ka', 'ṇa', and 'ṇika' occur.

Chaṭṭhiyantā samūhe kaṇṇaṇikā honti; gottappaccayantā kaṇa-rājaññakaṃ; mānussakaṃ–-ukkhādīhi-okkhakaṃ; oṭṭhakaṃ; orabbhakaṃ; rājakaṃ; rājaputtakaṃ; hatthikaṃ; dhenukaṃ–-ṇa-kākaṃ; bhikkhaṃ; ṇika-acittā-āpūpikaṃ; saṃkulikaṃ.

From words ending in the sixth case, the suffixes 'ka', 'ṇa', and 'ṇika' occur in the sense of a group. From words ending in a lineage suffix, 'ka' occurs, as in 'rājaññakaṃ' (a group of kṣatriyas), 'mānussakaṃ' (a group of humans); and from 'okkha' and so on: 'okkhakaṃ' (a group of oxen), 'oṭṭhakaṃ' (a group of camels), 'orabbhakaṃ' (a group of sheep), 'rājakaṃ' (a group of kings), 'rājaputtakaṃ' (a group of princes), 'hatthikaṃ' (a group of elephants), 'dhenukaṃ' (a group of cows). 'ṇa' occurs, as in 'kākaṃ' (a group of crows), 'bhikkhaṃ' (a group of mendicants). From inanimate things, 'ṇika' occurs, as in 'āpūpikaṃ' (a collection of cakes), 'saṃkulikaṃ' (a collection of pastries).

Janādīhi tā-.

From 'jana' and so on, the suffix 'tā' occurs.

Janādīhi chaṭṭhiyantehi samūhe tā hoti; janatā; gajatā; bandhutā; gāmatā; sahāyatā; nāgaratā–-tāntā sabhāvato itthiliṅgā–-madanīyanti-karaṇe’dhikaraṇe vā anīyenasiddhaṃ –-dhumāyitattanti-ktāntā nāmadhātuto tettana siddhaṃ.

From 'jana' and so on, ending in the sixth case, the suffix 'tā' occurs in the sense of a group; for example, 'janatā' (a multitude of people), 'gajatā' (a multitude of elephants), 'bandhutā' (a group of relatives), 'gāmatā' (a group of villages), 'sahāyatā' (a group of companions), 'nāgaratā' (a group of citizens). Words ending in 'tā' are by nature of the feminine gender. 'madanīyaṃ' is formed with 'anīya' in the instrumental or locative sense. 'dhumāyitattaṃ' is formed with 'tta' or 'ttana' from a denominative verb ending in 'kta'.

Iyo hite-.

In the sense of 'beneficial', the suffix 'iya' occurs.

Chaṭṭhiyantā hite iyo hoti; upādāniyaṃ–-aññatrāpi’samānādैre sayito’ sodariyo.

From words ending in the sixth case, the suffix 'iya' occurs in the sense of 'beneficial'; for example, 'upādāniyaṃ' (that which is beneficial for grasping). Also elsewhere: 'sodariyo' (born of the same womb) from 'samāna udare sayito' (one who has lain in the same womb).

Cakkhavādito sso-.

From `cakkhu` and so on, the suffix `sso`.

Chaṭṭhiyantehi cakkhuādīhi hite ssohoti; cakkhūssaṃ; āyussaṃ.

From `cakkhu` and similar words ending in the sixth case, the suffix `sso` occurs in the sense of 'beneficial'; for example, `cakkhussaṃ` (beneficial for the eye), `āyussaṃ` (beneficial for life).

Ṇyo tattha sādhu-.

In the sense of 'suitable there', the suffix `ṇya`.

Sattamyantā tattha sādhūti asmiṃ atthe ṇyyo hoti; sabbho; pārisajjo–-sādhūti-kusalo yoggo hito vā–-aññatrāpi-’rathaṃ vahantī’ti racchā.

From words ending in the seventh case, the suffix `ṇya` occurs in the sense of 'suitable there'; for example, `sabbho` (suitable for an assembly), `pārisajjo` (suitable for an assembly). `Sādhu` means skilled, suitable, or beneficial. Also, in other contexts, `racchā` (a road) is formed from `rathaṃ vahantī` (they carry chariots).

Kammā niyaññā-.

From `kamma`, the suffixes `niya` and `ñña`.

Sattamyantā kammasadadā tattha sādhūti asmiṃ atthe niyaññā honti;’ kamme sādhu’ kammaniyaṃ; kammaññaṃ.

From the word `kamma` ending in the seventh case, the suffixes `niya` and `ñña` occur in the sense of 'suitable there'; for example, from `kamme sādhu`, `kammaniyaṃ` or `kammaññaṃ` (suitable for work).

Kathāditviko-.

From `kathā` and so on, the suffix `ika`.

Kathādīhi sattamyantehi tattha sādhūti asmiṃ atthe iko hoti; kathiko; dhammakathiko; saṅgāmiko; pavāsiko; upavāsiko.

From `kathā` and similar words ending in the seventh case, the suffix `ika` occurs in the sense of 'suitable there'; for example, `kathiko` (skilled in speaking), `dhammakathiko` (skilled in teaching the Dhamma), `saṅgāmiko` (skilled in battle), `pavāsiko` (suitable for dwelling abroad), `upavāsiko` (suitable for fasting).

Pathādīhi ṇeyyo-.

From `patha` and so on, the suffix `ṇeyya`.

Pathādīhi sattamyantehi tattha sādhūti asmiṃ atthe ṇeyyo hoti; pātheyyaṃ; sāpateyyaṃ.

From `patha` and similar words ending in the seventh case, the suffix `ṇeyya` occurs in the sense of 'suitable there'; for example, `pātheyyaṃ` (provision for a journey), `sāpateyyaṃ` (wealth, property).

Dakkhiṇāyārahe-.

From `dakkhiṇā`, in the sense of 'worthy'.

Dakkhiṇāsaddato arahatthe ṇeyyo hoti;’dakkhiṇaṃ arahatī’ti dakkhiṇeyyo.

From the word `dakkhiṇā`, the suffix `ṇeyya` occurs in the sense of 'worthy'; for example, `dakkhiṇeyyo` (worthy of an offering) is formed from `dakkhiṇaṃ arahati` (he is worthy of an offering).

Rāyo tumantā-.

From words ending in `tum`, the suffix `rāya`.

Tumantato arahatthe rāyohoti; ‘‘ghātetāyaṃ vā ghātetuṃ, jāpetāyaṃ vā jāpetuṃ, pabbājetāyaṃ vā pabbājetuṃ‘‘.

From words ending in `tum` (infinitives), the suffix `rāya` occurs in the sense of 'worthy'; for example, `ghātetāyaṃ` (worthy of being killed) for `ghātetuṃ` (to kill), `jāpetāyaṃ` (worthy of being burned) for `jāpetuṃ` (to burn), `pabbājetāyaṃ` (worthy of being banished) for `pabbājetuṃ` (to banish).

Tametthassatthiti mantu-.

In the sense of 'that is here for him', the suffix `mantu`.

Paṭhamantā ettha assa atthiti etesvatthesu mantu hoti;’gāmo ettha dese assa vā purisassa santīti’ gomā–-atthiti vattamānakālopādānato bhutāhi bhavissantīhi vā gohi na gomā. Kathaṃ gomā āsi gomā bhavissatīti? Tadāpi vattamānāhiyeva gohi gomā; āsi bhavissatīti padantarā kālantaraṃ; itikaraṇato visayaniyamo.

From words ending in the first case, the suffix `mantu` occurs in the senses of 'it is in this place' or 'he has it'; for example, `gomā` (possessing cows) is formed from `gāvo ettha dese assa vā purisassa santīti` (cows are here in this place for him or for a person). Because `atthi` (is) implies the present tense, `gomā` is not formed with reference to past or future cows. How then can one say `gomā āsi` (he possessed cows) or `gomā bhavissati` (he will possess cows)? Even then, `gomā` refers to cows existing at that time; the different tense is indicated by another word, `āsi` or `bhavissati`. The scope is thus determined by the particle `iti`.

Pahūte ca pasaṃsāyaṃ nindāyañcātisāyane niccayoge ca saṃsagge hontime mantuādayo.

These suffixes, `mantu` and so on, occur in the senses of abundance, praise, blame, excess, constant connection, and association.

Goassoti-jātisaddānaṃ dabbābhidhānasāmatthiyā mantvā dayo nahonti; tathā guṇasaddānaṃ seto paṭoti; ye sattu guṇasaddānaṃ dabbābhidhānasāmatthiyaṃ natthi tehi honteva–-budhimā rūpavā rasavā gandhavā essavā saddavā; rasīrasiko; rūpi rūpiko; gandhī gandhikoti.

For class-nouns such as `go` (cow) and `assa` (horse), the suffixes `mantu` and so on do not occur, due to their inherent capacity to denote a substance; similarly for quality-words such as in `seto paṭo` (a white cloth). However, for those quality-words that do not have the inherent capacity to denote a substance, these suffixes do occur; for example, `buddhimā` (wise), `rūpavā` (possessing form), `rasavā` (possessing taste), `gandhavā` (possessing fragrance), `yasavā` (famous), `saddavā` (noisy); also `rasī` or `rasiko` (tasty); `rūpī` or `rūpiko` (beautiful); `gandhī` or `gandhiko` (fragrant).

Vantvavaṇṇā-.

From words ending in `a`, the suffix `vantu`.

Paṭhamantato avaṇṇantā mantvatthe vantu hoti; sīlavā; paññavā–-avaṇṇāti-kiṃ? Satimā; bandhumā.

From words ending in the first case that end in the vowel `a`, the suffix `vantu` occurs in the sense of `mantu` (possession); for example, `sīlavā` (virtuous), `paññavā` (wise). Why specify 'from words ending in `a`'? To exclude cases like `satimā` (from `sati`) and `bandhumā` (from `bandhu`).

Daṇḍāditvikaī vā-.

From `daṇḍa` and so on, the suffixes `ika`, `ī`, and `vantu`.

Daṇḍādīhi ikaī honti vā manttvatthe; bahulaṃ vidhānā kutovi dve honti; kutocekamekaṃva. Daṇḍako, daṇḍi, daṇḍavā; gandhiko, gandhī, gandhavā; rūpiko, rūpī, rūpavā–-uttamiṇeva dhanā iko () dhaniko; dhanī dhanavāñño –-asannitñatthā () atthiko atthi; aññatra atthavā

From `daṇḍa` and similar words, the suffixes `ika` and `ī` occur optionally in the sense of `mantu` (possession); by extensive application of the rule, sometimes two suffixes apply, sometimes only one. For example: `daṇḍako`, `daṇḍī`, `daṇḍavā` (possessing a staff); `gandhiko`, `gandhī`, `gandhavā` (possessing fragrance); `rūpiko`, `rūpī`, `rūpavā` (possessing form). From `dhana`, `ika` occurs only in the sense of a creditor, forming `dhaniko`; otherwise, `dhanī` and `dhanavā` (wealthy) are used. In the sense of 'having a need', `atthiko` or `atthī` are formed; otherwise, `atthavā` (possessing wealth).

–-Tadantā ca;() puññatthiko, puññatthi–-vaṇṇantā īyeva() brahmavaṇṇī devavaṇṇī–-hatthadantehi jātiyaṃ () hatthī; dantī; aññatra hatthavā; dantavā–-vaṇṇato brahmacārimhi; () vaṇṇī, buhmacārī; vaṇṇavāñño–-pokkharādito dese() pokkharaṇī uppalinī kumudinī bhisinī muḷālinī sālukinī –-kvāvādese’pi-padumanī, paduminīpaṇṇaṃ; aññatra pokkharavā, hatthi–-nāvāyiko () nāviko; –-sukhadukkhā ī() sukha dukkhī–-(sikhādihī vā)() sikhi sikhāvā mālī makālāvā sīli sīlavā balī balavā –-balā bāhūrupubbā ca() bāhubalī; ūrubalī.

And from words ending in `attha`; for example, `puññatthiko`, `puññatthī` (desirous of merit). From words ending in `vaṇṇa` (complexion), only `ī` occurs; for example, `brahmavaṇṇī` (having the complexion of Brahmā), `devavaṇṇī` (having the complexion of a deva). From `hattha` and `danta` in the sense of species, `ī` occurs; for example, `hatthī` (elephant), `dantī` (tusked animal); otherwise, `hatthavā` (having a trunk), `dantavā` (having tusks). From `vaṇṇa` in the sense of a `brahmacārī`, `ī` occurs; for example, `vaṇṇī` (a student), `brahmacārī` (one leading a holy life); otherwise, `vaṇṇavā` (having good complexion). From `pokkhara` and so on, in the sense of a place, `ī` occurs; for example, `pokkharaṇī` (lotus pond), `uppalinī` (pond of blue lotuses), `kumudinī` (pond of white lotuses), `bhisinī` (pond of lotus roots), `muḷālinī` (pond of lotus stalks), `sālukinī` (pond of lotus bulbs). Also `padumanī`, `paduminīpaṇṇaṃ` (lotus leaf); otherwise, `pokkharavā` (possessing lotuses). From `nāvā` (boat), `iko` occurs; for example, `nāviko` (sailor). From `sukha` (happiness) and `dukkha` (suffering), `ī` occurs; for example, `sukhī` (happy), `dukkhī` (suffering). From `sikhā` (crest) and so on, `ī` occurs optionally; for example, `sikhī` or `sikhāvā` (crested), `mālī` or `mālāvā` (garlanded), `sīlī` or `sīlavā` (virtuous), `balī` or `balavā` (strong). And from `bala` (strength) when preceded by `bāhu` (arm) or `ūru` (thigh), `ī` occurs; for example, `bāhubalī` (strong-armed), `ūrubalī` (strong-thighed).

Tapādīhi ssī-.

From `tapa` and so on, the suffix `ssī`.

Tapādito mantvatthe vā ssi hoti; tapassi, yasassī, tejassī, manassī, payassī –-vātveva-yasavā.

From `tapa` and similar words, the suffix `ssī` occurs optionally in the sense of `mantu` (possession); for example, `tapassī` (ascetic), `yasassī` (famous), `tejassī` (splendid), `manassī` (thoughtful), `payassī` (possessing vitality). Because it is optional, `yasavā` is also formed.

Mukhādito ro-.

From `mukha` and so on, the suffix `ra`.

Mukhādīhi mantvattha ro hैoti; mukharo, susiro ūsaro, madhuro, kharo, kujaro, nagaro –-dantassu ca uttatadante () danturo.

From `mukha` and similar words, the suffix `ra` occurs in the sense of `mantu` (possession); for example, `mukharo` (talkative), `susiro` (hollow), `ūsaro` (saline), `madhuro` (sweet), `kharo` (rough), `kujaro` (elephant), `nagaro` (city). And from `danta` (tooth), in the sense of 'prominent teeth', `danturo` is formed.

Tuṇḍyādīhi bho-.

From `tuṇḍi` and so on, the suffix `bha`.

Tuṇḍiādīhi mantvatthe bho vā hoti; tuṇḍibho, sāḷibho,valibho, vātveva-tuṇḍimā.

From `tuṇḍi` and similar words, the suffix `bha` occurs optionally in the sense of `mantu` (possession); for example, `tuṇḍibho` (having a beak), `sālibho` (possessing fine rice), `valibho` (having wrinkles). Because it is optional, `tuṇḍimā` is also formed.

Saddhāditva-.

From `saddhā` and so on, the suffix `a`.

Saddhādīhi mantvatthe a hoti vā; sanddho, pañño; itthiyaṃ-saddhā; vātveva-paññavā.

From `saddhā` and similar words, the suffix `a` occurs optionally in the sense of possession; for example, `saddho` (faithful), `pañño` (wise); in the feminine, `saddhā` (faithful). Due to the option, there is also `paññavā` (wise).

Ṇo tapā-.

From `tapa`, with the suffix `ṇa`.

Tapā ṇo hoti mantvatthe; tāpaso; itthiyaṃ-tāpasī.

From `tapa` (austerity), the suffix `ṇa` occurs in the sense of possession; for example, `tāpaso` (an ascetic); in the feminine, `tāpasī` (a female ascetic).

Ālvāhijjhādīhi-. Abhijjhādīhi ālu hotimantvatthe; abhijjhālu, sītālu, dhajālu, dayālu–-vātveva-dayāvā.

From `abhijjhā` and so on, with the suffix `ālu`. From `abhijjhā` and similar words, the suffix `ālu` occurs in the sense of possession; for example, `abhijjhālu` (covetous), `sītālu` (sensitive to cold), `dhajālu` (bannered), `dayālu` (compassionate); due to the option, there is also `dayāvā` (compassionate).

Picchāditvilo-.

From `piccha` and so on, with the suffix `ila`.

Picchādīhi ilo hoti cā mantvatthe; picchilo, picchavā; pheṇilo, pheṇavā; jaṭilo, jaṭāvā;–-kathaṃ vāvāloti? Nindāyamilassādilope ‘‘paro kvacī‘‘ti.

From `piccha` and similar words, the suffix `ila` occurs optionally in the sense of possession; for example, `picchilo` or `picchavā` (slimy); `pheṇilo` or `pheṇavā` (foamy); `jaṭilo` or `jaṭāvā` (having matted hair). How is `vāvāla` formed? In the sense of censure, with the elision of the beginning of the suffix `ila`, by the rule 'paro kvacī'.

Silāditā vo-.

From `sīla` and so on, with the suffix `va`.

Sīlādihi vo hoti vā mैntvatthe; sīlavo, sīlavā; kesavo, kesavā–-aṇṇā niccaṃ;() aṇṇavo–-gāṇḍi rājīhi saññāyaṃ; () gāṇḍivaṃ, dhanu; rājivaṃ, paṅkajaṃ.

From `sīla` and similar words, the suffix `va` occurs optionally in the sense of possession; for example, `sīlavo` or `sīlavā` (virtuous); `kesavo` or `kesavā` (hairy). From `aṇṇa` (water), `va` always occurs; for example, `aṇṇavo` (ocean). From `gāṇḍi` and `rājī` in the sense of a name; for example, `gāṇḍivaṃ` (a bow), `rājivaṃ` (a lotus).

Māyāmedhāhi vī-.

From `māyā` and `medhā`, with the suffix `vī`.

Etehi dvīhi vī hoti mantvatthe; māyāvi, medhāvī.

From these two words, the suffix `vī` occurs in the sense of possession; for example, `māyāvī` (deceitful), `medhāvī` (intelligent).

Sissare āmyuvāmī-.

From `sa`, in the sense of 'master', with the suffixes `āmi` and `uvāmi`.

Sasaddā āmyuvāmī hontissare’bhidheye mantvatthe;’samassatthiti’ sāmī, suvāmī.

From the word `sa` (own), the suffixes `āmi` and `uvāmi` occur in the sense of possession, denoting a master. The derivation is from `samassa atthi iti` (he has his own); for example, `sāmī` (master), `suvāmī` (good master).

Lakkhyā ṇo a ca-.

From `lakkhī`, with the suffixes `ṇa` and `a`.

Lakkhīsaddāṇo hota mantvatthe; a cantassa; ṇakāro’va savo; lakkhaṇo.

From the word `lakkhī`, the suffix `ṇa` occurs in the sense of possession, and `a` replaces the final vowel; for example, `lakkhaṇo` (having marks/characteristics).

Aṅgā no kalyāṇe-.

From `aṅga`, with the suffix `na`, in the sense of 'beautiful'.

Kalyāṇe gamyamānñaṅgasmānohoti mantvatthe; aṅganā.

When 'beautiful' is implied, from `aṅga` (limb), the suffix `na` occurs in the sense of possession; for example, `aṅganā` (a woman with beautiful limbs).

So lomā-.

From `loma`, with the suffix `sa`.

Lomā sohoti mantvatthe; lomaso; itthiyaṃ-lomasā.

From `loma` (body-hair), the suffix `sa` occurs in the sense of possession; for example, `lomaso` (hairy); in the feminine, `lomasā`.

Imiyā-.

With the suffixes `ima` and `iya`.

Mantvatthe imैyā honti bahulaṃ; puttimo, kittimo, puttiyo, kappiyo, jaṭiyo,hānabhāgiyo, seniyo.

In the sense of possession, the suffixes `ima` and `iya` occur frequently; for example, `puttimo` (having a son), `kittimo` (artificial), `puttiyo` (having a son), `kappiyo` (suitable), `jaṭiyo` (having matted hair), `hānabhāgiyo` (partaking of loss), `seniyo` (belonging to an army).

To pañcamyā-.-

From the fifth case ending, with the suffix `to`.

Pañcavyantā bahulaṃ to hoti vā; gāmato āgacchati, gāmasmāāgacchati; corato bhāyati, corehi bhāyati; satthatoparihīno, satthā parihīno.

From words ending in the fifth case, the suffix `to` occurs frequently and optionally; for example, `gāmato āgacchati` (he comes from the village) or `gāmasmā āgacchati`; `corato bhāyati` (he fears the thief) or `corehi bhāyati`; `satthatoparihīno` (deprived of a teacher) or `satthārā parihīno`.

Itotettokuto-.

The formation of `ito`, `etto`, and `kuto`.

Tomhi imassa ṭi nipaccate etassa ṭa eta kiṃsaddassa kuttaca; ito, imasmā; ato, etto, etasmā; kuto, kasmā.

When the suffix `to` follows, `i` is substituted for `ima`; `a` and `eta` are substituted for `eta`; and `kutta` is substituted for the word `kiṃ`. For example: `ito` (from this), from `imasmā`; `ato` or `etto` (from that), from `etasmā`; `kuto` (from where), from `kasmā`.

Abhyādīhi-.

From `abhi` and so on.

Abhiādīhi to hoti; abhito, parito, pacchato, heṭṭhato.

From `abhi` and similar words, the suffix `to` occurs; for example, `abhito` (near, on both sides), `parito` (around), `pacchato` (behind), `heṭṭhato` (below).

Ādyādīhi-.

From `ādi` and so on.

Ādippabhutīhi to vā hoti; ādo, ādito; majjhato, antato, piṭṭhito, passato, mukhato–-yatodakaṃ tadā dittaṃ, yaṃ udakaṃ tadevādittanti attho.

From `ādi` and similar words, the suffix `to` occurs optionally; for example: `ādo` or `ādito` (from the beginning); `majjhato` (from the middle), `antato` (from the end), `piṭṭhito` (from the back), `passato` (from the side), `mukhato` (from the front). An example of usage is `yatodakaṃ tadā dittaṃ`, which means `yaṃ udakaṃ tadeva ādittanti`: 'that very water was ablaze'.

Sabbādito sattamyā tratthā-.

From `sabba` and so forth, in the seventh case, with the suffixes `tra` and `tha`.

Sabbādīhi sattamyantehi tratthā vā honti; sabbatra, sabbattha, sabbasmiṃ; yatra, yattha, yasmiṃ–-bahulādhikārā na tumhāmhehi.

From `sabba` and similar words ending in the seventh case, the suffixes `tra` and `tha` occur optionally; for example: `sabbatra`, `sabbattha`, or `sabbasmiṃ` (everywhere); `yatra`, `yattha`, or `yasmiṃ` (where). Due to the governing rule of 'frequently' (`bahula`), this does not apply to `tumha` and `amha`.

Katthettha kutrātrakvehidha-.

[The words] 'kattha,' 'ettha,' 'kutra,' 'atra,' 'kva,' 'iha,' 'idha' [are formed].

Ete saddā nipaccante; kasmiṃ kattha, kutra, kva; etasmiṃ ettha, atra; asmiṃ iha, idha.

These words are formed as indeclinables: 'kasmiṃ' [becomes] 'kattha,' 'kutra,' 'kva'; 'etasmiṃ' [becomes] 'ettha,' 'atra'; 'asmiṃ' [becomes] 'iha,' 'idha'.

Dhi sabbā vā-

[The suffix] 'dhi' [occurs with] 'sabba' [and similar words], optionally.

Sattamyantato sabbasmādhi vā hoti; sabbadhi; sabbattha.

From a word ending in the seventh case, the suffix 'dhi' optionally occurs with 'sabba' [and similar words]; for example, 'sabbadhi' (everywhere); 'sabbattha' (everywhere).

Yā hiṃ-.

[The suffix] 'hiṃ' [occurs with] 'ya' [and similar words].

Sattamyantā yato hiṃ vā hoti; yahiṃ, yatra.

From 'ya' ending in the seventh case, the suffix 'hiṃ' optionally occurs; for example, 'yahiṃ,' 'yatra' (where).

Tā haṃ ca-.

With 'ta', the suffix 'haṃ' [is used], and also 'hiṃ'.

Sattamyantā tato vā haṃ hoti hiñca; tahaṃ, tahiṃ, tatra.

From 'ta' ending in the seventh case, the suffix 'haṃ' optionally occurs, and 'hiṃ' also; for example, 'tahaṃ,' 'tahiṃ,' 'tatra' (there).

Kuhiṃkahaṃ-.

[The words] 'kuhiṃ,' 'kahaṃ' [are formed].

Kiṃsaddā sattamyantā hiṃhaṃ nipaccante kissa kukā ca; kihiṃ, kahaṃ, kathaṃ kuhidvananti? Canaṃ iti nipātantaraṃ; kihidvīti-ettha visaddoviya.

From the word 'kiṃ' ending in the seventh case, indeclinables are formed with 'hiṃ' and 'haṃ', and 'ku' and 'ka' are substituted for the stem ('kissa'); for example: 'kihiṃ', 'kahaṃ', 'kathaṃ', 'kuhidvaṃ'. 'Canaṃ' is another indeclinable. In 'kihidvi', 'vi' is like the word 'iva'.

Sabbekaññayatehi kāle dā-.

[The suffix] 'dā' [occurs] with 'sabba,' 'eka,' 'añña,' 'ya,' and 'ta' in the sense of time.

Etehi sattamyantehi cattamānehi kāle dā hoti; sabbasmiṃ kāle sabbadā; ekadā, aññadā, yadā, tadā–-kāleti-kiṃ? Sabbatthadese.

With these words ending in the seventh case, 'dā' occurs in the sense of time; for example, 'sabbasmiṃ kāle' [becomes] 'sabbadā' (always); 'ekadā' (once), 'aññadā' (at another time), 'yadā' (when), 'tadā' (then). Why [the specification] 'kāle' (in time)? To exclude [the sense of place, as in] 'sabbattha dese'.

Kadākudāsadādhunedāti-.

[The words] 'kadā,' 'kudā,' 'sadā,' 'adhunā,' 'idāni' [are formed].

Ete saddā nipaccante; tasmiṃ kāle kadā, kudā; sambasmiṃ kāle sadā; imasmiṃ kāle adhunā, idāni.

These words are formed as indeclinables: in the sense 'tasmiṃ kāle' are formed 'kadā,' 'kudā' (when, sometimes); in the sense 'sabbasmiṃ kāle' is formed 'sadā' (always); in the sense 'imasmiṃ kāle' are formed 'adhunā,' 'idāni' (now, presently).

Ajjasajjavaparajjvetarahikarahā-.

[The words] 'ajja,' 'sajju,' 'aparajju,' 'etarahi,' 'karaha' [are formed].

Ete saddā nipaccante; ekatippaccayo ādeso kāla visesoti sabbametaṃ nipātanā labbhati; imassa vo jjo cāhani nipaccate; asmiṃ ahani ajja–-samānassa sabhāvojju cāhani–-samāne abhani sajju–-aparasmā jju–-aparasmiṃ ahaniaparajju–-imassetokāle rahi va–-imasmiṃ kāle etarahi–-kiṃsaddassa ko raha cānajjatane–-tasmiṃ kāle karaha.

These words are formed as indeclinables. All of this is obtained by irregular formation, where a single suffix or a substitute denotes a specific time. From 'asmiṃ ahani' is formed 'ajja' (today). From 'samāne ahani' is formed 'sajju' (immediately). From 'aparasmiṃ ahani' is formed 'aparajju' (the day after). From 'imasmiṃ kāle' is formed 'etarahi' (now). From the word 'kiṃ', in the sense of a time not of today, is formed 'karaha' (when?).

Sabbādīhi pakāre thā-.

[The suffix] 'thā' [occurs] with 'sabba' and similar words in the sense of manner.

Sāmaññassa bhedako viseso pakāro, tattha vattamānehi sabbādīhi thā hoti sabbenapakārena sabbathā; yathā, tathā.

'Manner' ('pakāro') is a specific quality that distinguishes a generality. With 'sabba' and similar words occurring in that sense, 'thā' is affixed; for example, 'sabbathā' (in every way), which means 'sabbena pakārena' (in every manner); 'yathā' (as), 'tathā' (so).

Kathamitthaṃ-.

[The words] 'kathaṃ,' 'itthaṃ' [are formed].

Ete saddā nipaccante pakāre; kimimehi thaṃ paccayo, kैcca tesaṃ yathākkamaṃ; kathamitthaṃ.

These words are formed as indeclinables in the sense of manner. From 'kiṃ' and 'ima' respectively, the suffix 'thaṃ' is affixed: 'kathaṃ' (how), 'itthaṃ' (in this way).

Dhā saṅkhyāhi-.

[The suffix] 'dhā' [occurs] with numbers.

Saṅkhyāvācīhi pakāre dhā paro hoti;’dvīhi pakārehi dve vā pakārekaroti’ vidhākaroti; bahudhā karoti;’ekaṃ rāsiṃ pañcappakāraṃ karoti’ pañcadhā karoti?Pañcappakāramekappakāraṃ karoti’ ekadhākaroti.

The suffix 'dhā' occurs after words denoting numbers in the sense of manner; for example, 'dvīhi pakārehi karoti' or 'dve vā pakāre karoti' [is expressed as] 'dvidhā karoti' (to do in two ways); 'bahudhā karoti' (to do in many ways); 'ekaṃ rāsiṃ pañcappakāraṃ karoti' [is expressed as] 'pañcadhā karoti' (to make a single heap into five kinds); 'pañcappakāram ekappakāraṃ karoti' [is expressed as] 'ekadhā karoti' (to make five kinds into one kind).

Vekājjhaṃ-.

With 'eka', 'jjhaṃ' [occurs], optionally.

Ekasmā pakāre jjhaṃ vā hoti; ekajkvaṅkaroti; ekadhā karoti.

From 'eka' in the sense of manner, the suffix 'jjhaṃ' optionally occurs; for example, 'ekajjhaṃ karoti' (to make one); 'ekadhā karoti' (to do in one way).

Dvitīhedhā-.

[The suffix] 'edhā' [occurs] with 'dvi' and 'ti'.

Dvītihi pakāre edhāvā hoti; vedhā, tedhā; dvidhā, tidhā.

With 'dvi' and 'ti' in the sense of manner, the suffix 'edhā' optionally occurs; for example, 'dvedhā,' 'tedhā'; alternatively, 'dvidhā,' 'tidhā' (in two ways, in three ways).

Tabbati jātiyo-.

[The suffix] 'jātiyo' [is used] in the sense of 'of a certain kind'.

Pakāravati taṃsāmaññavācakā saddājātiyo hoti; paṭu jātiyo, mudujātiyo.

In the sense of possessing a certain kind ('pakāravati'), the suffix 'jātiyo' is affixed to a word denoting a general quality; for example, 'paṭujātiyo' (of a sharp kind), 'mudujātiyo' (of a gentle kind).

Vārasaṃkhyāya kkhattuṃ-

With numbers denoting repetitions, 'kkhattuṃ' [is affixed].

Vārasambandhiniyā saṃkhyāya kkhattuṃ hoti;’dve vāre bhuñjati’ dvikkhattuṃ divasassa bhuñjati; vāraggahaṇaṃ kiṃ? Pañaca bhiñjati; saṅkhyāyāti-kiṃ? Pahūte vāre bhuñjati.

The suffix 'kkhattuṃ' occurs with numbers related to repetitions; for example, 'dve vāre bhuñjati' (he eats two times) [is expressed as] 'dvikkhattuṃ divasassa bhuñjati' (he eats twice a day). Why the inclusion of 'vāra' (repetition)? To prevent [application in cases like] 'pañca bhuñjati' (he eats five things). Why the inclusion of 'saṅkhyā' (number)? To prevent [application in cases like] 'pahūte vāre bhuñjati' (he eats many times).

Katimhā-.

After kati.

Vārasambandhiniyā katisaṃkhyāya kkhattuṃ hoti;’kati vāre bhuñjani’katikkhattuṃ bhuñjati.

The suffix kkhattuṃ is added to the numeral kati when it is related to repetition; for example, ‘kati vāre bhuñjati’ becomes ‘katikkhattuṃ bhuñjati’ (how many times does one eat?).

Bahumbhā dhā ca paccāsattiyaṃ-.

After bahu, dhā and... in the sense of proximity.

Vārasambandhiniyā bahusaṃkhyāya dhāhoti kkhattuñca; vārānañce paccāsatti hoti; bahudhā divasassa buñjati bahukkhattuṃ–-paccāsattiyanti kiṃ? Bahukkhattuṃ māsassa bhuñjati.

To the numeral bahu, when related to repetition, the suffixes dhā and kkhattuṃ are added, if there is proximity of the repetitions; for example, bahudhā divasassa bhuñjati (he eats many times a day), bahukkhattuṃ (many times). What is meant by ‘in the sense of proximity’? When there is no proximity, one says, bahukkhattuṃ māsassa bhuñjati (he eats many times a month).

Sakiṃ vā-.

Sakiṃ, optionally.

Ekaṃ vāramiccasmiṃ atthe sakinti vā nipaccate;’ekaṃ vāraṃ bhuñjati’–-vāti kiṃ?Ekakkhattuṃ bhuñjati.

In the sense of ‘one time,’ the indeclinable sakiṃ is optionally formed; for example, ‘ekaṃ vāraṃ bhuñjati’ (he eats once). What is the purpose of ‘optionally’? To allow the form ekakkhattuṃ bhuñjati (he eats once).

So vicchāppakāresu-.

The suffix so in the senses of distribution and manner.

Vīcchāyaṃ pakāre ca so hoti bahulaṃ; vīcchāyaṃ-khaṇḍaso, bilaso; pakāre-puthuso,sabbaso.

The suffix so is frequently added in the sense of distribution and manner. In the sense of distribution: khaṇḍaso (in pieces), bilaso (in portions). In the sense of manner: puthuso (separately), sabbaso (in every way).

Abhitatabbhāve karāsabhuyoge vikārā cī-.

From a word denoting a quality, the suffix cī is added in the sense of becoming that which it was not, when in connection with the verbs kar, as, and bhū.

Avatthāvato vatthantarenābhutassa tāyāvatthāya bhāve karāsabhuhi sambandhesati vikāravācakācī hoti;’adhavalaṃ dhavalaṃ karoti’ dhavalī karoti; adhavalo dhavalo siyā dhavalī siyā; adhavalo dhavalo bhavati dhavalī bhavati–-abhatatabbhāveti-kiṃ? Ghaṭaṃ karoti, dadhiatthi, ghaṭo bhavati–-karāsabhuyogeti kiṃ? Adhavalā dhvaailo jāyate–-vikārāti-kiṃ? Pakatiyā mā hotu; suvaṇṇaṃ kuṇḍalī karoti.

The suffix cī is added to a word denoting a quality when something that was not previously in a certain state comes to be in that state, and when there is a connection with the verbs kar, as, and bhū. For example: ‘adhavalaṃ dhavalaṃ karoti’ (he makes the non-white white) becomes dhavalī karoti (he whitens); ‘adhavalo dhavalo siyā’ (the non-white may be white) becomes dhavalī siyā (it may become white); ‘adhavalo dhavalo bhavati’ (the non-white becomes white) becomes dhavalī bhavati (it whitens). Why the condition ‘in the sense of becoming that which it was not’? To exclude cases like: ghaṭaṃ karoti (he makes a pot), dadhi atthi (curd exists), ghaṭo bhavati (a pot comes into being). Why the condition ‘in connection with kar, as, and bhū’? To exclude cases like: adhavalo dhavalo jāyate (the non-white is born white). Why the condition ‘from a word denoting a quality’? So that it does not apply to a substance; for example, suvaṇṇaṃ kuṇḍalī karoti (he makes gold into an earring).

Dissantaññe’pi paccayā-.

Other suffixes are also seen.

Vuttato’ññe’pi paccayā dissanti vuttāvuttatthesu;’vividhā mātaro’ vimātaro,’tāsaṃ puttā’ vemātīkā-rikaṇa;’pathaṃ gacchantīti’ pathāvino-āvī;’ issā assa atthiti’ issukī-ukī?’Dhuraṃ vahantīti’ dhorayhā-yhaṇa.-

Other suffixes than those mentioned are also seen, in meanings both stated and unstated. For example: ‘vividhā mātaro’ (diverse mothers) becomes vimātaro (stepmothers); ‘tāsaṃ puttā’ (their sons) becomes vemātīkā (sons of a stepmother), with the suffix -rikaṇa; ‘pathaṃ gacchantīti’ (they who go on the path) becomes pathāvino (travelers), with the suffix -āvī; ‘issā assa atthīti’ (he has envy) becomes issukī (envious), with the suffix -ukī; ‘dhuraṃ vahantīti’ (they who bear the yoke) becomes dhorayhā (beasts of burden), with the suffix -yhaṇa.

Aññasmiṃ-.

In another sense.

Vuttato’ññasmimpi atthe vuttappaccayā dissanti;’magadhānaṃ issaro’ māgadho-ṇo;’kāsīti sahassaṃ, tamagghatīti kāsiyo-iyo.

Stated suffixes are also seen in a sense other than that which was stated. For example: ‘magadhānaṃ issaro’ (lord of the Magadhas) becomes māgadho (lord of Magadha), with the suffix -ṇo; ‘kāsīti sahassaṃ, tam agghatīti’ (a thousand coins from Kāsī, it is worth that) becomes kāsiyo (worth a Kāsī coin), with the suffix -iyo.

Sakattha-.

In its own meaning.

Sakatthe’pi paccayā dissanti; hīnako, potako, kicacayayaṃ.

Suffixes are also seen in their own meaning; for example, hīnako (an inferior one), potako (a young animal), kiccayayaṃ (what is to be done).

Lopo-.

Elision.

Paccayānaṃ lopo’pi dissati; buddhe ratanaṃ paṇītaṃ, cakkhuṃ suññaṃ attena vā attaniyeyana vāti bhāvappaccaya lopo.

Elision of suffixes is also seen; for example, buddhe ratanaṃ paṇītaṃ (in the Buddha is an excellent jewel), and cakkhuṃ suññaṃ attena vā attaniyena vā (the eye is empty of self or of what belongs to self)—this is the elision of a suffix denoting state.

Sarānamādissāyuvaṇṇassāño ṇānubandhe-.

For the initial vowels a, i, and u of a stem, there is substitution by ā and o when a suffix with the anubandha ṇ follows.

Sarānamādibhutā ye akārivaṇṇuvaṇṇā tesaṃ āño honti yathākkamaṃ ṇānubandhe; rāghavo, vैnateyyo, meniko, oḷumpiko, dohaggaṃ–-ṇānubandheti-kiṃ? Purātano.

For the initial vowels a, i, and u of a stem, ā and o are substituted respectively when a suffix with the anubandha ṇ follows. For example: rāghavo, venateyyo, meniko, oḷumpiko, dohaggaṃ. What is the purpose of the condition ‘when a suffix with the anubandha ṇ follows’? To exclude cases like purātano.

Saṃyoge kvaci-.

Sometimes, when followed by a conjunct consonant.

Sarānamādibhutā ye ayuvaṇṇā tesaṃ āño honti kvaci deva saṃyogavisaye ṇānubandhe;decco, koṇḍañño –-kvacīti-kiṃ? Kattikeyyo.

For the initial vowels a, i, and u of a stem, ā and o are substituted, but only sometimes when followed by a conjunct consonant, if a suffix with the anubandha ṇ follows. For example: decco, koṇḍañño. What is the purpose of ‘sometimes’? To exclude cases like kattikeyyo.

Majjhe-.

In the middle.

Majjhe vattamānānampi ayuvaṇṇānaṃ āño honti kvaci; aḍḍhateyyā, vāseṭṭho.

Even for the vowels a, i, and u occurring in the middle of a stem, ā and o are sometimes substituted; for example, aḍḍhateyyā, vāseṭṭho.

Kosjैjājjavapārisajjasubhajjamaddavārissāsabhājañña theyyabāhusaccā-.

The words kosajja, ajjava, pārisajja, sohajja, maddava, ārissa, āsabha, ājañña, theyya, and bāhusacca.

Ete saddā nipaccante ṇānubandhe;’kusītassa bhāvo’ kosajjajaṃ;’ ujuno bhāvo’ appavaṃ;’parisāsu sādhu’ pārisajjo;’suhadayoca’ suhajjo,’tassa pana bhāvo sohajjaṃ;’muduno bhāvo’maddavaṃ;’isino idaṃ, bhāvo vā’ ārissaṃ;’usabhassa idaṃ, bhāvo vā’ āsabhaṃ;’ājānīyassa bhāvo’ so eva vā’ ājaññaṃ;’thenassa bhāvo, kammaṃ vā’ theyyaṃ;’bahussutassa bhāvo’ bāhusaccaṃ–-etesu yamalakkhaṇikaṃ taṃ nipātanā.

These words are irregularly formed with a suffix having the anubandha ṇ: ‘kusītassa bhāvo’ (the state of being lazy) becomes kosajjaṃ (laziness); ‘ujuno bhāvo’ (the state of being upright) becomes ajjavaṃ (uprightness); ‘parisāsu sādhu’ (good in assemblies) becomes pārisajjo (one who is fit for an assembly); ‘suhadayo’ (a good-hearted person), and ‘tassa pana bhāvo’ (his state) becomes sohajjaṃ (friendship); ‘muduno bhāvo’ (the state of being soft) becomes maddavaṃ (softness); ‘isino idaṃ, bhāvo vā’ (this of a sage, or his state) becomes ārissaṃ (what pertains to a sage); ‘usabhassa idaṃ, bhāvo vā’ (this of a bull, or his state) becomes āsabhaṃ (what pertains to a bull); ‘ājānīyassa bhāvo, so eva vā’ (the state of a thoroughbred, or the thoroughbred itself) becomes ājaññaṃ (of noble breed); ‘thenassa bhāvo, kammaṃ vā’ (the state or act of a thief) becomes theyyaṃ (theft); ‘bahussutassa bhāvo’ (the state of being very learned) becomes bāhusaccaṃ (great learning). Among these, whatever is characterized by a doubled consonant is due to this irregular formation.

Manādīnaṃ saka-.

For mana and others, saka...

Manādīnaṃ saka hoti ṇānubandhe;’manasi bhavaṃ’ mānasaṃ;’dummanaso bhāvo’ domanassaṃ; somanassaṃ.

For mana and other stems of the manas-group, saka is substituted when a suffix with the anubandha ṇ follows. For example: ‘manasi bhavaṃ’ (arisen in the mind) becomes mānasaṃ (mental); ‘dummanaso bhāvo’ (the state of having a bad mind) becomes domanassaṃ (dejection); somanassaṃ (elation).

Uvaṇṇassāvaṅi hoti; rāghavo, jāmbavaṃ.

For the vowel u, the substitution ava occurs; for example, rāghavo, jāmbavaṃ.

Yamhi gossa ca-.

And for go, when ya follows.

Yakārādo paccaya gैossuvaṇṇassa ca avaṅi hoti; gabyaṃ, gātabyo.

When a suffix beginning with 'ya' follows, 'ava' is substituted for the vowel of 'go'; for example, 'gabyaṃ,' 'gātabyo'.

Lopo’vaṇṇivaṇṇānaṃ-.

Elision of the vowels 'a' and 'i'.

Yakārādo paccaye avaṇṇivaṇṇānaṃ lāpo hoti, dāyjैjaṃ, kāruññaṃ, ādhipaccaṃ, deppaṃ–-bahakulaṃvidhānaṃ kvaci na hoti; kiccayaṃ.

When a suffix beginning with 'ya' follows, elision of the vowels 'a' and 'i' occurs; for example, 'dāyajjaṃ,' 'kāruññaṃ,' 'ādhipaccaṃ,' 'deppaṃ.' By the principle of `bahula`, this rule is sometimes not applied; for example, 'kiccayaṃ'.

Rānubandhe’ntasarādissa-.

When 'r' is an anubandha, of the initial vowel of the final syllable.

Anto saro ādi yassāvayavassa tassa lopo hoti rānubandhe; kittakaṃ, petteyyaṃ.

When 'r' is an anubandha, elision occurs of the initial vowel of the final syllable; for example, 'kittakaṃ,' 'petteyyaṃ'.

Kisamahatamime kasmahā-.

For 'kisa' and 'mahata', the suffixes are 'ima' and 'hā'.

Kisassa mahato ime kasmahā honti yathākkamaṃ; kasimā, mahimā.

For 'kisa' and 'mahata', 'ima' and 'hā' occur respectively; for example, 'kasimā' (leanness), 'mahimā' (greatness).

Āyussāyasa mantumhi-.

For 'āyu', 'āyasa' is substituted when 'mantu' follows.

Āyussa āyasādeso hoti mantumhi; āyasmā.

For 'āyu', the substitute 'āyasa' occurs when 'mantu' follows; for example, 'āyasmā' (long-lived, venerable).

Jo vuddhassiyiḍhesu-.

For 'vuddha', 'ja' is substituted when the suffixes 'iya' and 'iṭṭha' follow.

Vuddhassa jo hoti iyैṭṭhesu; jeyyo, jeṭṭho.

For 'vuddha', 'ja' is substituted when the suffixes 'iya' and 'iṭṭha' follow; for example, 'jeyyo' (older, superior), 'jeṭṭho' (oldest, most excellent).

Bāḷhantikapasatthānaṃ sādhanedasā-.

For 'bāḷha,' 'antika,' and 'pasattha', the substitutes are 'sādha,' 'neda,' and 'sā' respectively.

Iyeṭṭhesu bāḷhantikapasatthānaṃ sādhanedasā hontī yathākkamaṃ; sādhiyo, sādhiṭṭho; nediyo, nediṭṭho; seyyo, seṭṭho

When the suffixes 'iya' and 'iṭṭha' follow, for 'bāḷha,' 'antika,' and 'pasattha', the substitutes 'sādha,' 'neda,' and 'sā' occur respectively; for example, 'sādhiyo' (stronger), 'sādhiṭṭho' (strongest); 'nediyo' (nearer), 'nediṭṭho' (nearest); 'seyyo' (better), 'seṭṭho' (best).

Kaṇkanāppayuvānaṃ-.

For 'appa' and 'yuva', the substitutes are 'kaṇa' and 'kana'.

Iyeṭṭhesu appayuvānaṃ kaṇkanā honti yayathākkamaṃ; kaṇiyo, kaṇiṭṭho; kaniyo, kaniṭṭho.

When the suffixes 'iya' and 'iṭṭha' follow, for 'appa' and 'yuva', the substitutes 'kaṇa' and 'kana' occur respectively; for example, 'kaṇiyo' (younger), 'kaṇiṭṭho' (youngest); 'kaniyo' (younger), 'kaniṭṭho' (youngest).

Lopo vīmantuvattunaṃ-.

Elision of 'vī,' 'mantu,' and 'vantu'.

Vīmantuvantunaṃ lopo hoti iyैṭṭhesu?’Atisayena medhāvī’ medhiyo, medhiṭṭho;’atisayenasatimā’satiyo, satiṭṭho;’atisayena guṇavā’ guṇiyā, guṇiṭṭho.

Elision of 'vī,' 'mantu,' and 'vantu' occurs when the suffixes 'iya' and 'iṭṭha' follow. For example: from 'atisayena medhāvī' (exceedingly wise) come 'medhiyo' (wiser), 'medhiṭṭho' (wisest); from 'atisayena satimā' (exceedingly mindful) come 'satiyo' (more mindful), 'satiṭṭho' (most mindful); from 'atisayena guṇavā' (exceedingly virtuous) come 'guṇiyā' (more virtuous), 'guṇiṭṭho' (most virtuous).

Se stiaissa tissa-.

When 'sa' follows, of the 'ti' of a word ending in 'sati' [there is elision].

Se pare satyantassa tikārassa lopo hoti; vīsaṃ sataṃ, tiṃsaṃ sataṃ.

When 'sa' follows, elision of the syllable 'ti' of a word ending in 'sati' occurs; for example, 'vīsaṃ sataṃ' (twenty hundred), 'tiṃsaṃ sataṃ' (thirty hundred).

Etasseṭa ttake-.

For 'eta', 'eṭa' is substituted when 'ttaka' follows.

Ttake pare etassa eṭa henāti; ettakaṃ.

When 'ttaka' follows, 'eṭa' is substituted for 'eta'; for example, 'ettakaṃ' (this much).

Ṇikassiyo vā-.

For 'ṇika', 'iyo' is substituted optionally.

Ṇikassavā iyo hoti; sakyaputtiyo, sakyaputtiko.

For 'ṇika', 'iyo' is substituted optionally; for example, 'sakyaputtiyo,' 'sakyaputtiko' (a son of the Sakyans).

Adhātussa ke’syādito ghe’ssī-.

When the feminine suffix 'gha' follows, for the 'a' before a 'ka' that is not part of a root and follows 'sya' and so on, there is 'ī'.

Ghe pare adhātussa yo kakāro tato pubbassa akārassa bakahulaṃ i hoti, save ghona syādito paro hoti; bālikā, kārikā–-adhātussāti-kiṃ? Sakā; keti-kiṃ?Nandanā; asyāditoti-kiṃ? Bahuparibbājakā, madhurā –-bahucammikāti kakārena syādino byavahitattā siddhaṃ–-gheti-kiṃ? Bālako; assāti-kiṃ? Bahukattukā,sālā.

When the feminine suffix 'gha' follows, for the 'a' preceding a 'ka' that is not part of a root, 'i' is frequently substituted, if that 'ka' follows a suffix from the 'sya' group and so on. For example: 'bālikā,' 'kārikā.' Why 'not part of a root'? To exclude 'sakā.' Why 'ka'? To exclude 'nandanā.' Why 'after sya and so on'? To exclude 'bahuparibbājakā,' 'madhurā.' In the case of 'bahucammikā,' the rule is established because the 'ka' is separated from the 'sya'-group suffix. Why 'gha'? To exclude 'bālako.' Why 'a'? To exclude 'bahukattukā,' 'sālā.'

Iti moggallāne vyākaraṇe vuttiyaṃ ṇādikaṇḍo catuttho.

Thus ends the fourth chapter, the Ṇādikaṇḍa, in the Vutti to the Moggallāna Vyākaraṇa.

Tijamānehi khasā khamāvīmaṃsāsu-.

From the roots 'tij' and 'mān', the suffix 'khasa' is used in the senses of endurance and investigation.

Khantiyaṃ tijā vīmaṃsāyaṃ mānā ca khasappaccayā honti yathākkamaṃ; titikkhā, vīmaṃsā–-titikkhati, vīmaṃsati. Khamāvīmaṃsā suti-kiṃ? Tejanaṃ, tejo, tejayati, mānanaṃ, māno, māneti.

From 'tij' in the sense of endurance, and from 'mān' in the sense of investigation, the 'khasa' suffix occurs, respectively. For example: 'titikkhā,' 'vīmaṃsā'; and the verbs 'titikkhati,' 'vīmaṃsati.' Why specify 'endurance and investigation'? To exclude cases such as 'tejanaṃ,' 'tejo,' 'tejayati,' 'mānanaṃ,' 'māno,' 'māneti'.

Kitā tikicchāsaṃsayesu jo-.

From the root 'kit', the suffix 'ja' is used in the senses of medical treatment and doubt.

Tikicchāyaṃ saṃsaye ca vattamānā kitā jo hoti–-tikicchā, vicikicchā–-tikicchati, vicikicchati–-aññatraniketo, saṃketo, ketanaṃ, keto, ketayati.

From the root 'kit', when used in the sense of medical treatment and of doubt, the suffix 'ja' occurs. For example: 'tikicchā,' 'vicikicchā'; and the verbs 'tikicchati,' 'vicikicchati.' In other senses: 'niketo,' 'saṃketo,' 'ketanaṃ,' 'keto,' 'ketayati'.

Nindāyaṃ gupabadhā bassabho ca-.

From the roots gup and badh, in the sense of censure, the suffix bha is also employed.

Nindāyaṃ vattamānehi gupabadhehi jo hoti; bassa bho ca–-jigucchā, bībhacchā–-jigucchati, bībhacchati–-aññatragopanaṃ, gope, popeti, badhako.

From the roots gup and badh, when occurring in the sense of censure, the suffix sa is employed. Examples: jigucchā, bībhacchā; and the verbs jigucchati, bībhacchati. Why is 'in the sense of censure' specified? To exclude other meanings, as in gopanaṃ, gope, popeti, badhako.

Tuṃsmā lopo vicchāyaṃte-.

From the suffix tuṃ, there is elision in the sense of desire.

Tumantato icchāyamatthe te khasachā hontibahakulaṃ; lopo ca tuṃpaccayassahoti sutattā–-bubhukkhā, jigiṃsā, jighacchā–-bubhukkhati, jigiṃsati, jighacchati–-idhakasmā na hotibhottumicchatīti? Padantarenābhidhānā. Tuṃsmāti-kiṃ? Bhojanamicchati. Icchāyanti kiṃ? Bhuñjituṃ gacchati. Kathaṃ kulaṃ pipatisatīti? Yathā kulaṃ patitumicchatītivākyaṃ hoti, evaṃ vuttipi hessati; vākyamevacarahi kathaṃ hoti? Lokassa tathā vacanicchāya.

After a word ending in the suffix tuṃ, in the sense of desire, the suffixes khasa and cha occur frequently. And there is elision of the suffix tuṃ, as has been stated. Examples: bubhukkhā, jigiṃsā, jighacchā; and the verbs bubhukkhati, jigiṃsati, jighacchati. Why does this not apply here: bhottum icchati (he wishes to eat)? Because it is expressed by another word. Why is 'from tuṃ' specified? To exclude cases like bhojanaṃ icchati (he desires food). Why is 'in the sense of desire' specified? To exclude cases like bhuñjituṃ gacchati (he goes to eat). How then is kulaṃ pipatisati (the family wishes to fall) formed? Just as the sentence kulaṃ patituṃ icchati (the family wishes to fall) is found, so too will this derived form be found. But then how is the sentence itself formed? Through the people's inclination to speak in that way.

Īyo kammā-.

From the object, the suffix īya.

Icchākammato icchāyamatthe īyappaccayo hoti;’puttamicchati’ puttīyati–-kammāti-kiṃ? Aasinecchati; idha kasmā na hoti rañño puttamicchatīti? Sāpekkhattā; na hi aññamapekkhamāno aññenasahekatthibhāvamanubhavituṃ sakkoti; idhāpi carahi na siyā attanoputtamicchatīti; nevettha bhavitabbaṃ; na hi bhavati attanoputtiyatīti; kathaṃ carahi vuttassa attatiyatāvagamyate? Aññassāsutattā, icchāya ca tabbisayattā.

From a word denoting the object of desire, the suffix īya occurs in the sense of desire. For example, puttaṃ icchati (he desires a son) becomes puttīyati. Why is 'object' specified? To exclude cases like āsīnaṃ icchati (he desires one who is sitting). Why does it not occur here: rañño puttaṃ icchati (he desires the king's son)? Because of its dependency; for a word that is dependent on another cannot experience a state of unity with yet another. Then it should also not occur here: attano puttaṃ icchati (he desires his own son). Indeed, it should not be formed in that way, for the form attano puttīyati does not occur. How then is it understood that it is for oneself? Because no other person is mentioned, and because the desire has oneself as its object.

Upamānācāre-.

From a standard of comparison, in the sense of behavior.

Kammato upamānā āvāratthe īyo hoti;’puttamavā carati’ puttīyati māṇavakaṃ; upamānāti kiṃ? Puttamācarati.

From a standard of comparison that is an object, the suffix īya occurs in the sense of behavior. For example, puttaṃ iva ācarati (he treats someone like a son) becomes puttīyati māṇavakaṃ (he treats the young man like a son). Why is 'standard of comparison' specified? To exclude cases like puttaṃ ācarati (he behaves towards his son).

Ādhārā-.

From the locus.

Ādhāratupamānāāvāratthe īyo hoti;’kuṭiyamivācarati’ kuṭiyati pāsāde, pāsādīyati kuṭiyaṃ.

From a standard of comparison that is a locus, the suffix īya occurs in the sense of behavior. For example, kuṭiyaṃ iva ācarati (he behaves as if in a hut) becomes kuṭiyati pāsāde (he treats a palace like a hut); pāsāde iva ācarati (he behaves as if in a palace) becomes pāsādīyati kuṭiyaṃ (he treats a hut like a palace).

Kattutāyo-.

From the agent, the suffix āya.

Kattatupamānā ācāratthe āyo hoti;’pabbatovā carati’pabbatāyati.

From a standard of comparison that is an agent, the suffix āya occurs in the sense of behavior. For example, pabbato iva ācarati (he behaves like a mountain) becomes pabbatāyati.

Cyatthe-.

In the sense of becoming.

Kattuto abhutatabbhāve āyo hoti bahulaṃ; bhusāyati, paṭapaṭāyati, lohitāyati–-kattutotveva-bhusaṃkarotīti; iha kasmā na hoti bhusi bhavatīti? Vuttatthatāya.

From a word denoting the agent, the suffix āya frequently occurs in the sense of becoming what one was not before. Examples: bhusāyati (it becomes abundant), paṭapaṭāyati (it crackles), lohitāyati (it becomes red). The specification 'from the agent' is to exclude cases like bhusaṃ karoti (he makes abundant). Why does it not occur here: bhusi bhavati (it becomes abundant)? Because the meaning is already expressed.

Saddādīti karoti-.

From sadda and so forth, in the sense of 'does'.

Saddādīhi dutiyantehi karotīti asmiṃ atthe āyo hoti; saddāyati, verāyati, kalahāyati, dhūpāyati.

From words such as sadda, when they are in the accusative case, the suffix āya occurs in the sense of 'does'. Examples: saddāyati (he makes a sound), verāyati (he creates enmity), kalahāyati (he makes a quarrel), dhūpāyati (he fumigates).

Namotvasso-.

From namo, the suffix assa.

Namo iccasmā karotīti asmiṃ atthe asso hoti; namassati tathāgataṃ.

From the word namo, the suffix assa occurs in the sense of 'does'. For example: namassati tathāgataṃ (he pays homage to the Tathāgata).

Dhātvatthe nāmasmi-.

From a nominal stem, in the sense of a verbal root.

Nāmasmā dhātvatthe bahulami hoti;’hatthinā atikkamati’ati hatthayati;’ vīṇāya upagāyati’ upavīṇayati;’daḷahaṃ karoti’ vinayaṃ daḷahayati;’ visuddhā hoti’ ratti visuddhayati;’kusalaṃ pucchati’kusalayati.

From a nominal stem, the suffix i frequently occurs in the sense of a verbal root. Examples: hatthinā atikkamati (he surpasses with an elephant) becomes atihatthayati; vīṇāya upagāyati (he sings along with a lute) becomes upavīṇayati; daḷhaṃ karoti vinayaṃ (he makes the Vinaya firm) becomes daḷahayati vinayaṃ; visuddhā hoti ratti (the night becomes pure) becomes visuddhayati ratti; kusalaṃ pucchati (he asks about what is skillful) becomes kusalayati.

Saccādīhāpi-.

From sacca and so forth, the suffix āpi.

Saccādīhi dhātvatthe āpi hoti; saccāpeti, atthāpeti, vedāpeti, sukkhāpeti sukhāpeti, dukkhāpeti.

From words such as sacca, the suffix āpi occurs in the sense of a verbal root. Examples: saccāpeti (he verifies), atthāpeti (he establishes), vedāpeti (he makes known), sukkhāpeti (he makes dry), sukhāpeti (he makes happy), dukkhāpeti (he makes unhappy).

Kriyatthā-.

Regarding verbal roots.

Ayamadhikāro ā satthaparisamattiyā;’kriyā attho yassaso kriyattho’,dhātu.

This is a governing rule that extends to the very end of the treatise. A kriyattha is 'that which has action as its meaning'; that is, a verbal root.

Curādito ṇi-.

From the cur group and so forth, the suffix ṇi.

Curādīhi kriyatthehi sakatthe ṇi paro hoti bahulaṃ; ṇakāro vuddhyattho–-evamaññatrāpi–-corayati, lāḷayati. Kathaṃ rajjaṃ kāretīti? Yogavibhāgato.

After the verbal roots of the cur group and so forth, the suffix ṇi frequently occurs in their own meaning. The letter ṇ serves to indicate vuddhi—and so elsewhere. Examples: corayati (he steals), lāḷayati (he fondles). How then is rajjaṃ kāreti (he causes the kingdom to be ruled) formed? By means of yogavibhāga (splitting the rule).

Payojakabyāpāre ṇāpi ca-.

In the sense of the instigator's activity, and also the suffix ṇāpi.

Kattāraṃ yo payojayati tassa byāpāre kriyatthā ṇiṇāpī honti bahulaṃ; kāreti, kārāpeti–-nanu ca kattāpi karaṇādīnaṃpayojakoti tabyāpāre?Pi ṇiṇāpī pāpuṇanti? Payojakaggahaṇasāmatthiyā na bhavissanti, curādīhi visuṃ vacanasāmatthiyā ca–-āto bhiyyo ṇāpiyeva, ṇiye vuvaṇṇato, dvayamevaññehi.

In the activity of one who instigates an agent, the suffixes ṇi and ṇāpi frequently occur after verbal roots. Examples: kāreti (he causes to do), kārāpeti (he causes to be done). Now, is not the agent also an instigator with respect to the instrument and so forth? Should ṇi and ṇāpi therefore apply in its activity? They will not, by the force of the specific mention of 'instigator', and by the force of the separate rule for the cur group. Furthermore, after a root ending in ā, ṇāpi is more frequent; ṇi is used after other vowels; and only these two suffixes are used with other roots.

Kyo bhāvakammesvaparokkhesu mānantatyādisu-

The suffix kya is used in the impersonal and passive senses, for tenses other than the perfect, when suffixes such as māna, anta, and tya follow.

Bhāvakammavihitesu parokkhāvajjitesu mānantatyādisu paresukyo hoti krayatthā–-ntaggahaṇamuttaratthaṃ; kakāro avuddhyattho; evamuttaratrāpi–-ṭhiyamānaṃ, ṭhiyate; sūyamānaṃ, sūyate–-aparokkhesūti-kiṃ? Babhuva devadattena; bibhida kusūlo. Bhijjate kusūlo sayamevātibhijjateti savanā kammatāvagamyate, sayamevāti savanato kattutā; kattutāvacanicchāyantu-bhindatikusulo attānanti bhavati; evamaññampi yathāgamamanugantabbaṃ. ‘‘Aparokkhesu mānantatyādisū’ti-ayamadhikāro ā‘‘tanāditvo‘‘apivaete tyādayo tyādisu parabhutesu kattukammabhāvavihitesu kyalādīnaṃ vidhānato tesveva viññayantīti-akammakehi dhātuhi kattubhāvesu sakammakehi kattukammesukammāvacanicchāyaṃ bhāveva bhavantīti veditabbā–-yassapanadhātussa kriyā kammamapekkhate sosakammako? Yassa tu kriyā kattumattamapekkhate so akammakoti ñātabbaṃ.

The suffix kya occurs after a verbal root when suffixes such as māna, anta, and tya follow, provided they are prescribed in the impersonal or passive senses and for tenses other than the perfect. The inclusion of nta is for a subsequent rule. The letter k in kya serves to prevent vuddhi; and so in subsequent rules. Examples: ṭhiyamānaṃ (being stood), ṭhiyate (one stands); sūyamānaṃ (being heard), sūyate (it is heard). Why 'for tenses other than the perfect'? To exclude babhuva devadattena (it was come by Devadatta) and bibhida kusūlo (the granary was split). From hearing bhijjate kusūlo (the granary is split), the passive sense is understood; from hearing sayameva (by itself), agency is understood. When there is a desire to express agency, the form is kusūlo attānaṃ bhindati (the granary splits itself). Other cases should be understood similarly, according to tradition. This governing rule, 'for tenses other than the perfect, when suffixes such as māna, anta, and tya follow', extends up to the rule 'tanādito vā'. Furthermore, these suffixes tya, etc., are understood to be prescribed in agentive, passive, or impersonal constructions only when they follow suffixes like kya, etc. It should be known that from intransitive (akammaka) roots, these are formed in the agentive and impersonal senses; from transitive (sakammaka) roots, they are formed in the agentive and passive senses, or in the impersonal sense if there is a desire not to express the object. A root whose action requires an object is transitive (sakammaka); a root whose action requires only an agent is intransitive (akammaka).

Kattari lo-.

In the agentive sense, the suffix la.

Kattari lo-.

In the agentive sense, the suffix la.

Kriyatthato aparokkhesu kattuvitamānantatyādisu lo hoti; lakāro ‘‘ñilasse’ti. Visesanattho–-pacamāno, pacanto; pavati.

After a root, the suffix la occurs in the agentive sense, excluding the perfect tense, for the formation of māna, anta, ti, and so on. The letter la is for the purpose of distinction, as in the rule 'ñilasse'. Examples: pacamāno (cooking), pacanto (cooking); pavati (he cooks).

Mañca rudhādīnaṃ-.

And maṃ for the rudh group.

Rudhādito kattuvihitamānādisu lo hoti; maṃ vānta sarā paro; makāro’nubandho; akāro uccāraṇatvo–-rundhamāno, rundhanto, rundhati.

After the rudh group of roots, the suffix la occurs for the formation of māna etc., which are prescribed in the agentive sense; and the infix maṃ is inserted after the vowel of the root. The makāra is an anubandha; the akāra is for the sake of pronunciation. Examples: rundhamāno (obstructing), rundhanto (obstructing), rundhati (he obstructs).

Ṇaṇāpyāpīhi vā-.

From ṇa, ṇāpi, and āpi, optionally.

Ṇiṇāpyāphīhi kattuvihitamānādisu lo hoti vibhāsā; corayanto, corento; kārayantā, kārento; kārāpैyanto, kārāpento; saccāpayanto, saccāpento; corayati, coreti; kārayati, kāreti; kārāpayati, kārāpeti; saccāpayati, saccāpeti–-vacatthitavibhāsattho’yaṃ vā saddo; tena māne niccaṃ; corayamāno, kārayamāno, kārāpayamāno, saccāpayamāno.

After ṇi, ṇāpi, and āpi, the suffix la occurs optionally for the formation of māna etc., which are prescribed in the agentive sense. Examples: corayanto, corento; kārayanto, kārento; kārāpayanto, kārāpento; saccāpayanto, saccāpento; corayati, coreti; kārayati, kāreti; kārāpayati, kārāpeti; saccāpayati, saccāpeti. This word vā (optionally) has the meaning of a fixed option. Therefore, with the māna suffix, it is always so. Examples: corayamāno, kārayamāno, kārāpayamāno, saccāpayamāno.

Dipādīhi yayaka-.

From the div group, the suffix yaka.

Divādīhi lavīsaye yaka hoti; dibbanto; dibbati.

From the div group of roots, the suffix yaka occurs in the domain of la (verbal suffixes). Examples: dibbanto (playing), dibbati (he plays).

Tudādīhi ko-.

From the tud group, the suffix ka.

Tudādīhi lavīsaye ko hoti; tudamāno, tudanto; kudati.

From the tud group of roots, the suffix ka occurs in the domain of la (verbal suffixes). Examples: tudamāno (piercing), tudanto (piercing); tudati (he pierces).

Jyādīhi knā-.

From the ji group, the suffix knā.

Jiādīhi lavisaye knā hoti; jinanto, jināti–-kathaṃ jayanto, jayatīni? Bhuvādipāṭhā.

From the ji group of roots, the suffix knā occurs in the domain of la (verbal suffixes). Examples: jinanto (conquering), jināti (he conquers). How are jayanto (conquering) and jayati (he conquers) formed? From being listed in the bhū group.

Kyādīhī kṇā-.

From the kī group, the suffix kṇā.

Kīādīhi lavisaye kṇā hoti; kiṇanto, kiṇāti.

From the kī group of roots, the suffix kṇā occurs in the domain of la (verbal suffixes). Examples: kiṇanto (buying), kiṇāti (he buys).

Svādīhī kṇo-.

From the su group, the suffix kṇo.

Suādīhi lavisaye kṇo hoti; suṇamāno, suṇanto, suṇoti; kathaṃ suṇātīti? Kyādipāṭhā.

From the su group of roots, the suffix kṇo occurs in the domain of la (verbal suffixes). Examples: suṇamāno (hearing), suṇanto (hearing), suṇoti (he hears). How is suṇāti (he hears) formed? From being listed in the kī group.

Tanāditvo-.

From the tan group, the suffix o.

Tanādito lavisaye o hoti; tanoti.

From the tan group of roots, the suffix o occurs in the domain of la (verbal suffixes). Example: tanoti (he stretches).

Bhāvakammesu tabbānīyā-.

In the impersonal and passive senses, the suffixes tabba and anīya.

Tabbaanīyā kriyatthā pare bhāvakammesu bahulambhavanti; kattabbaṃ, karaṇīyaṃ; kattabbo kaṭo; karaṇīyo–-bahulā

The suffixes tabba and anīya frequently occur after a root in the impersonal and passive senses. Examples: kattabbaṃ (what should be done), karaṇīyaṃ (what is to be done); kattabbo kaṭo (a mat to be made); karaṇīyo (to be done). This occurs frequently.

Dhikārā karaṇādisupi bhavanti–-sinānīyaṃ, cuṇṇaṃ; dānīyo, brāhmaṇo; samāvattanīyo, guru; pavacanīyo, upajjhāyo; upaṭṭhānīyo, sisso.

By extension of the rule, they also occur in the sense of instrument and so forth. Examples: sinānīyaṃ cuṇṇaṃ (bathing powder); dānīyo brāhmaṇo (a brahmin worthy of gifts); samāvattanīyo guru (a teacher from whom one should take leave); pavacanīyo upajjhāyo (a preceptor who is to be addressed); upaṭṭhānīyo sisso (a pupil who is to be attended to).

Ghyaṇa-.

The suffix ghyaṇa.

Bhāvakammesu kriyatthā paro ghyaṇa hoti bahulaṃ; vākyaṃ, kāriyaṃ, veyyaṃ, jeyyaṃ.

The suffix ghyaṇa frequently occurs after a root in the impersonal and passive senses. Examples: vākyaṃ (what should be said), kāriyaṃ (what should be done), veyyaṃ (what should be known), jeyyaṃ (what should be conquered).

Āsse ca-.

And after ā.

Āto ghyaṇa hoti bhāvakammesu āssa e ca; deyyaṃ.

After a root ending in ā, the suffix ghyaṇa occurs in the impersonal and passive senses, and ā is changed to e. Example: deyyaṃ (what is to be given).

Vadādīhi yo-.

From the vad group, the suffix ya.

Vadādīhi kriyatthehi yo hoti bahulamhāvakammesu; vajjaṃ, majjaṃ, gammaṃ–-bhujānte () bhojjo, odano; bhojjā, yāgu; bhoggamaññaṃ.

From the vad group of roots, the suffix ya frequently occurs in the impersonal and passive senses. Examples: vajjaṃ (what should be said), majjaṃ (what should be drunk), gammaṃ (what should be gone to). And from bhuj at the end of the list: bhojjo odano (rice to be eaten); bhojjā yāgu (gruel to be eaten); bhoggamaññaṃ (another thing to be enjoyed).

Kiccaghaccabhaccabhabbaleyyā-.

Kicca, ghacca, bhacca, bhabba, and leyya are irregularly formed.

Ete saddā yappaccayantā nipaccante.

These words, ending in the ya suffix, are irregularly formed.

Guhādīhi yaka-.

From the guh group, the suffix yaka.

Guhādīhi kriyatthehi bhāvakammesu yaka hoti; guyhaṃ, duyhaṃ, sisso; siddhā evete tabbādayo pesātisaggapattakālesupi gamyamānesu sāmaññena vidhānato–-hotā khalu kaṭo kattabbo, karaṇīyo, kāriyo, kicco-evaṃ tvayā kaṭo kattabbo; hotā kaṭo kattabbo, hoto hi patto kālo kaṭakaraṇe–-evaṃ uddhamuhuttike’pi vattamānato pesādisu siddhā eva–-tathā arahe kattari sattivisiṭṭhe ca patīyamāne āvassakādhamiṇatāvisiṭṭheva bhāvādo siddhā–-uddha muhuttikato-bhotā kaṭo kattabbo; bhotā rajjaṃ kātabbaṃ, bhavaṃ araho; bhotā bhāro vahitabbo, bhavaṃ satto; bhotā avassaṃ kaṭo kattabbo; bhotā nikkho dātabbo.

From roots such as guh, having the sense of action, the suffix yaka occurs in the impersonal and passive voices: guyhaṃ (to be concealed), duyhaṃ (to be milked), sisso (a pupil). These suffixes, tabba and so on, are indeed established even when dispatch (pesa), permission (atisagga), and due time (pattakāla) are understood, due to the general prescription. For example: hotā khalu kaṭo kattabbo (indeed, a mat is to be made by the venerable one), karaṇīyo (should be made), kāriyo (is to be performed), kicco (is to be done). Thus: tvayā kaṭo kattabbo (a mat is to be made by you); hotā kaṭo kattabbo (a mat is to be made by the venerable one), for indeed, the time has come for the venerable one to make a mat. Thus, even when referring to the immediate future, they are established in the sense of dispatch, etc. Similarly, when an agent who is worthy or one endowed with power is understood, and specifically when necessity or indebtedness is understood, they are established from the sense of being. From the immediate future: bhotā kaṭo kattabbo (a mat is to be made by the venerable one); bhotā rajjaṃ kātabbaṃ (the kingdom is to be ruled by the venerable one), for the venerable one is worthy; bhotā bhāro vahitabbo (the burden is to be borne by the venerable one), for the venerable one is capable; bhotā avassaṃ kaṭo kattabbo (a mat must be made by the venerable one); bhotā nikkho dātabbo (a gold coin is to be given by the venerable one).

Kattari latuṇakā-.

The suffixes latu, ṇa, and ka in the agentive sense.

Kattari kārake kriyatthā latuṇakā bhontī; paṭhitā, pāṭhako–-bahulamitveva-pādehi harīyatī’ti pādahārake;’galecuppatī’ti galecopako–-saddho eva latuarahe sīlasādhu dhammesu ca sāmaññavihitatattā; bhavaṃ balu kaññāya pariggayitā, bhavametaṃ arahati; sīlādisu-khalvapi upādātā kumārake; gantākhelo; muṇḍayitāro sāviṭṭhāyanā vadhuṃ kataparigahaṃ.

In the agentive case, from roots with the sense of action, the suffixes latu, ṇa, and ka occur: paṭhitā (one who recites), pāṭhako (a reciter). By the rule of 'frequently': pādehi harīyatī’ti pādahārako (one who carries with the feet, hence a foot-carrier); gale cuppatī’ti galecopako (one who strikes the throat, hence a throat-striker). The suffix latu is indeed established in the sense of 'worthy' for one who is faithful, virtuous in morality, and in the Dhamma, due to its general prescription: bhavaṃ khalu kaññāya pariggayitā, bhavametaṃ arahati (indeed, the venerable one is to be chosen by the maiden; the venerable one is worthy of this). In the sense of morality, etc.: khalvapi upādātā kumārake (indeed, the boys are to be taken up); gantākhelo (a playful goer); muṇḍayitāro sāviṭṭhāyanā vadhuṃ katapariggahaṃ (the Sāviṭṭhāyanas, shavers of the accepted bride).

Āvī-.

The suffix āvī.

Kriyayatthā āvī hoti bahulaṃ kattari; bhayadassāvī–-appavīsayatāñāpanatthaṃ bhinnayogakaraṇaṃ; sāmaññavihitattā sīlādisu ca hoteva.

From roots with the sense of action, the suffix āvī frequently occurs in the agentive sense; bhayadassāvī (one who sees danger). The formulation of a separate rule is for the purpose of indicating its non-universality. Because it is generally prescribed, it also occurs in the sense of morality, etc.

Āsiṃsāyamako-. Āsiṃsāyaṃ gamyamānāyaṃ kriyatthā ako hoti kattari;’jīvatuti’ jīvako; nandatuti’ nandako;’bhavatuti’ bhavako.

The suffix ako in the sense of a wish. When a wish is understood, from roots with the sense of action, the suffix ako occurs in the agentive sense; ‘jīvatu’ti jīvako (may he live, hence jīvako); ‘nandatu’ti nandako (may he delight, hence nandako); ‘bhavatu’ti bhavako (may he be, hence bhavako).

Karā ṇano-.

From the root kar, the suffix ṇano.

Karato kattari ṇano hoti;’karotī’ti kāraṇaṃ; kattarīti-kiṃ? Karaṇaṃ.

From the root kar, the suffix ṇano occurs in the agentive sense; ‘karotī’ti kāraṇaṃ (he does, hence kāraṇaṃ, a doer). Why 'in the agentive sense'? To form karaṇaṃ (instrument).

Hāto vīhikālesu-.

From the root hā, in the sense of rice and time.

Hāto vīhisiṃ kāle caṇano hotī kattari; hāyanā nāma vīhayo; hāyano saṃvaccharo; vīhikālesūti - kiṃ? Hātā.

From the root hā, the suffix ṇano occurs in the agentive sense when rice or time is denoted; hāyanā are a type of rice; hāyano is a year. Why 'in the sense of rice and time'? To form hātā (one who abandons).

Vīdā ku -.

From the root vid, the suffix ku.

Vidasmā kū hoti kattari; vidū, lokavidū.

From the root vid, the suffix ku occurs in the agentive sense; vidū (wise), lokavidū (knower of the world).

Vito ñāto-.

From the root ñā preceded by vi.

Vipubbā ñāiccasmā ku hoti kattari; viñña; vitoti-kiṃ? Pañño.

From the root ñā preceded by vi, the suffix ku occurs in the agentive sense; viññū (discerning, wise). Why 'preceded by vi'? To form paññū (wise).

Kammā-.

After a word denoting the object.

Kammato parā ñāiccasmā kū hoti kattari; sabbañña, kālañña.

After a word denoting the object, from the root ñā, the suffix ku occurs in the agentive sense; sabbaññū (all-knowing), kālaññū (knower of time).

Kvacaṇa-.

Sometimes, the suffix aṇa.

Kammato parā kriyatthā kvaci aṇa hoti kattari; kumbhakāro, saralāvo, mavtajjhāyo–-bahakulādhikārā iha na hoti, ādiccaṃ passati, himavantaṃ suṇoti, gāmaṃ gacchati. Kvacīti kiṃ? Kammakaro.

After a word denoting the object, from a root with the sense of action, the suffix aṇa sometimes occurs in the agentive sense; kumbhakāro (potter), saralāvo (arrow-cutter), mantajjhāyo (reciter of mantras). Due to the governing rule of 'frequently', it does not occur here: ādiccaṃ passati (he sees the sun), himavantaṃ suṇoti (he hears of the Himalaya), gāmaṃ gacchati (he goes to the village). Why 'sometimes'? To form kammakaro (a worker).

Gamā rū-.

From the root gam, the suffix rū.

Kammato paraṃ gamā rū hoti kattari; vedagu, pāragu.

After a word denoting the object, from the root gam, the suffix rū occurs in the agentive sense; vedagū (one who has mastered the Veda), pāragū (one who has gone beyond).

Samānaññabhavantayāditupamānā disā kamme rīrikkhakā-.

From the root dis, after samāna, añña, bhavanta, ya, ta, and words of comparison, the suffixes rī, rikkha, and ka in the sense of the object.

Samānādīhi yādīhicopamānehi parā disā kammakārake rīrikkhakā honti;’ samāno viya dissatī’ti sadī, sadikkho, sadiso; aññādī, aññādikkho, aññādiso; bhavādī, bhavādikkho, bhavādiso; yādī, yādikkho, yādiso; tyādī, tyyādikkho, tyādiso –-samānādīhīti kiṃ? Rukkho viya dissati. Upamānāti kiṃ? So dissati kammeti kiṃ? So viya passatī–-rakārā antasarādilopatthā. Kakāro ekārābhāvattho.

After samāna, etc., ya, etc., and words of comparison, from the root dis, the suffixes rī, rikkha, and ka occur in the sense of the object: ‘samāno viya dissatī’ti sadī, sadikkho, sadiso (he appears like the same, hence sadī, sadikkho, sadiso, meaning similar); aññādī, aññādikkho, aññādiso (appearing like another); bhavādī, bhavādikkho, bhavādiso (appearing like a venerable one); yādī, yādikkho, yādiso (appearing like whatever); tādī, tādikkho, tādiso (appearing like that). Why 'after samāna, etc.'? For rukkho viya dissati (he appears like a tree). Why 'words of comparison'? For so dissati (he appears). Why 'in the sense of the object'? For so viya passati (he sees like him). The letter r is for the purpose of eliding the initial vowel of a following element. The letter k is for the purpose of preventing the vowel e.

Bhāvakārakesvaghaṇghakā-.

The suffixes a, gha, ṇa, and ka in the sense of action and case-relations.

Bhāve kārake ca kriyatthā aghaṇghakā honti bahakulaṃ; apaggaho, niggaho, karo, garo, cayo, jayo, ravo, bhavo, paco, vaco, annado, purindado, īsakkaro, dukkaro, sukaro–-ghaṇa-bhāve-pāko- vāgo, bhāvo. Kārake’pi saññāyaṃ tāva-’pajjate’nene’ti pādo;’rujatī’ti rogo;’vīsatīti veso;’sarati kālantara’nti sāro, thirattho;’darīyante etebhī’ti dārā;’jīrayati etenā’ti jāro–-asaññāyampi-dāyo, datto; lābho, laddho–-gha-vakonipako–-ka-piyo, khipo, bhujo, āyudhaṃ.

In the sense of action (bhāva) and case-relations (kāraka), the suffixes a, ṇa, gha, and ka frequently occur from roots with the sense of action. Examples for a: apaggaho (grasping), niggaho (restraint), karo (doer), garo (swallower), cayo (accumulation), jayo (victory), ravo (sound), bhavo (existence), paco (cook), vaco (speaker), annado (food-giver), purindado (city-giver), īsakkaro (easy to do), dukkaro (difficult to do), sukaro (easy to do). With the suffix ṇa in the sense of action: pāko (cooking), vāgo (speaking), bhāvo (being). Also in the sense of case-relations, firstly when denoting a name: ‘pajjate’nena’ti pādo (that by which one goes, hence pādo, foot); ‘rujatī’ti rogo (it afflicts, hence rogo, sickness); ‘vīsatī’ti veso (he enters, hence veso, a householder); ‘sarati kālantaran’ti sāro, thirattho (it endures through another time, hence sāro, essence, in the sense of 'stable'); ‘darīyante etebhī’ti dārā (they are supported by these, hence dārā, wife); ‘jīrayati etenā’ti jāro (one grows old through this, hence jāro, a paramour). Even when not denoting a name: dāyo (a gift), datto (given); lābho (gain), laddho (obtained). Examples for gha: vako (wolf), nipako (prudent). Examples for ka: piyo (dear), khipo (one who throws), bhujo (one who enjoys), āyudhaṃ (weapon).

Dādhātvi-.

From the roots dā and dhā, the suffix i.

Dādhāhi bahulami hotibhāvakārakesu; ādi, nidhi. Vāladhi.

From the roots dā and dhā, the suffix i frequently occurs in the sense of action and case-relations; ādi (beginning), nidhi (treasure), vāladhi (tail).

Vamādīhathu-.

From the root vam, etc., the suffix athu.

Vamādihi bhāvakārakesvathu hoti; vamathu, vepathu.

From roots such as vam, the suffix athu occurs in the sense of action and case-relations; vamathu (vomiting), vepathu (trembling).

Kvi-.

The suffix kvi.

Kriyatthā kvi hoti bahulaṃ bhāvakārakesu–-kakāro kānu bandhakāriyattho–-abhibhu, sayambhu, bhattaggaṃ, salākaggaṃ, sabhā, pabhā.

From verbs meaning action, 'kvi' frequently occurs in the sense of 'bhāva' (state/action) and 'kāraka' (agent/instrument)—the 'ka' is for the purpose of an anubandha (indicatory letter)—'abhibhū' (overcoming), 'sayambhū' (self-existent), 'bhattaggaṃ' (the chief meal), 'salākaggaṃ' (the chief ticket-food), 'sabhā' (assembly), 'pabhā' (light).

Ano-..

The suffix 'ano'.

Kriyatthā bhāvakārakesvano hoti; gamanaṃ, dānaṃ, sampadānaṃ, apādānaṃ, adhikaraṇaṃ, calano, jalano, kodhano, kopano, maṇḍano, bhusano.

From verbs meaning action, 'ano' occurs in the sense of 'bhāva' (state/action) and 'kāraka' (agent/instrument); 'gamanaṃ' (going), 'dānaṃ' (giving), 'sampadānaṃ' (dative case), 'apādānaṃ' (ablative case), 'adhikaraṇaṃ' (locative case), 'calano' (mover), 'jalano' (burner), 'kodhano' (angry one), 'kopano' (one who causes anger), 'maṇḍano' (adorner), 'bhūsano' (beautifier).

Itthiyamaṇaktikayakyā. ca-.

And in the feminine gender, the suffixes 'a', 'ṇa', 'kti', 'ka', 'ya', and 'kyā'.

Itthiliṅge bhāve kārake ca kriyatthā aādayo honta no ca bahulaṃ–-a-titikkhā. Vīmaṃsā, jigucchā, pipāsā, puttīyā, īhā, bhikkhā, āpadā, medhā, godhā–-ṇa-kārā, hārā, tārā, dhārā, ārā–-kti-iṭṭhi, siṭṭhi, bhitti, bhatti, tanti, bhuti –-ka- uhā, rujā, mudā,–-yaka-vijjā, ijjā–-ya-seyyā, samajjā, pabbajjā, paricariyā, jāgariyā–-ana-kāraṇā, hāraṇā, vedanā, vandanā, upāsanā.

In the feminine gender, in the sense of 'bhāva' (state/action) and 'kāraka' (agent/instrument), the suffixes beginning with 'a' occur from verbs meaning action, but not frequently; 'a': 'titikkhā' (forbearance), 'vīmaṃsā' (investigation), 'jigucchā' (disgust), 'pipāsā' (thirst), 'puttīyā' (desire for a son), 'īhā' (effort), 'bhikkhā' (alms), 'āpadā' (misfortune), 'medhā' (wisdom), 'godhā' (lizard); 'ṇa': 'kārā' (doing), 'hārā' (carrying), 'tārā' (crossing), 'dhārā' (holding), 'ārā' (near); 'kti': 'iṭṭhi' (desire), 'siṭṭhi' (creation), 'bhitti' (breaking), 'bhatti' (devotion), 'tanti' (thread/doctrine), 'bhuti' (being/welfare); 'ka': 'uhā' (consideration), 'rujā' (sickness), 'mudā' (joy); 'yaka': 'vijjā' (knowledge), 'ijjā' (sacrifice); 'ya': 'seyyā' (lying down), 'samajjā' (assembly), 'pabbajjā' (going forth), 'paricariyā' (service), 'jāgariyā' (wakefulness); 'ana': 'kāraṇā' (causing), 'hāraṇā' (carrying), 'vedanā' (feeling), 'vandanā' (veneration), 'upāsanā' (attendance).

Jāhāha-.

From 'jā' and 'hā'.

Jāhā iccetehi ni hotitthiyaṃ; jāni, hāni.

From 'jā' (to be born) and 'hā' (to abandon), 'ni' occurs in the feminine; 'jāni' (birth), 'hāni' (loss).

Karā ririyo-.

From 'kar', the suffix 'ririyo'.

Karato ririyo hotitthiyaṃ;’karaṇaṃ’ kiriyā–-kathaṃ kriyāti?’Kriyāya’nti nipātanā.

From 'kar' (to do), 'ririyo' occurs in the feminine; 'karaṇaṃ' (doing) becomes 'kiriyā' (action)—'kathaṃ kriyāti?' (How is 'kiriyā' formed?) 'Kiriyā' is by nipātana (irregular formation).

Ikitī sarūpe-.

The suffixes 'i' and 'kti' in the sense of 'sarūpa' (the verb's own form).

Kriyatthassa sarūpe’bhidheye kriyatthā pare ikitī honti; vaci, yudhi. Pacati.–-Akāro kakārotiādisu kārasaddena samāso, yathā evakāroti.

When the verb's own form is to be expressed, 'i' and 'kti' occur after the verbal stem; 'vaci' (speaking), 'yudhi' (fighting). 'Pacati' (he cooks).—In 'akāro', 'kakāro' etc., it is a compound with the word 'kāra', just as in 'evakāro'.

Sīlābhikkhaññāvassakesu ṇi-.

The suffix 'ṇi' in the sense of 'sīla' (habit), 'ābhikkhañña' (repetition), and 'āvassaka' (necessity).

Kriyatthā ṇī hoti sīlādisu patīyamānesu; uṇhabhoji, khīrapāyī, avassakārī, satatdāyī.

From verbs meaning action, 'ṇī' occurs when 'sīla' (habit), etc., are implied; 'uṇhabhojī' (one who habitually eats warm food), 'khīrapāyī' (one who habitually drinks milk), 'avassakārī' (one who necessarily does), 'satatadāyī' (one who constantly gives).

Thāvarittarabhaṅgurabhidurabhāsurabhassarā-.

The words 'thāvara', 'ittara', 'bhaṅgura', 'bhidura', 'bhāsura', 'bhassara'.

Ete saddā nipaccante sīle gamyamāne.

These words are irregularly formed when 'sīla' (habit/nature) is implied.

Kattari bhute ktavantuktāvī-.

The suffixes 'ktavantu' and 'ktāvī' in the agent in the past tense.

Bhutatthe vattamānato kriyatthā ktavantuktāvī hontī kattari; vijitavā, vijitāvī; bhuteti adhikāro yāva āhāratthāti.

From verbs existing in the sense of the past, 'ktavantu' and 'ktāvī' occur in the agent; 'vijitavā' (one who has conquered), 'vijitāvī' (one who has conquered); the governing rule of 'bhute' (in the past) extends up to 'āhārattha'.

Kto bhāvakammesu-.

The suffix 'kta' in the sense of 'bhāva' and 'kamma'.

Bhāve kamme ca bhute kto hoti; āsitaṃ bhavatā; kato kaṭo bhavatā.

In the sense of 'bhāva' (state/action) and 'kamma' (object), 'kta' occurs in the past tense; 'āsitaṃ bhavatā' (it was sat by the venerable one); 'kato kaṭo bhavatā' (a mat was made by the venerable one).

Kattarī cāramhe-.

And in the agent in the sense of 'ārambha' (beginning).

Kriyārambhe kattari kto hota, yathāpattañca; pakato bhavaṃ kaṭaṃ; pakato kaṭo bhavatā; pasutto bhavaṃ; pasuttaṃ bhavatā.

In the beginning of an action, 'kta' occurs in the agent, and as appropriate; 'pakato bhavaṃ kaṭaṃ' (the venerable one began to make a mat); 'pakato kaṭo bhavatā' (a mat was begun to be made by the venerable one); 'pasutto bhavaṃ' (the venerable one began to sleep); 'pasuttaṃ bhavatā' (it was begun to be slept by the venerable one).

Ṭhāsavasasilisaghiruhajarajanīhi-.

From 'ṭhā', 'ās', 'vas', 'silis', 'ghir', 'ruh', 'jar', and 'jan'.

Ṭhādīhi kattari kto hoti yathāpattañca; upaṭṭhito gurumbhavaṃ, upaṭṭhito guru bhotā; upāsito gurumbhavaṃ, upāsito guru bhotā; anuvusito gurumbhavaṃ, anuvusito guru bhotā; āsiliṭṭho gurumbhavaṃ, āsiliṭṭho guru bhotā;

From 'ṭhā' etc., 'kta' occurs in the agent, and as appropriate; 'upaṭṭhito gurumbhavaṃ' (the venerable one attended upon the teacher), 'upaṭṭhito guru bhotā' (the teacher was attended upon by the venerable one); 'upāsito gurumbhavaṃ' (the venerable one served the teacher), 'upāsito guru bhotā' (the teacher was served by the venerable one); 'anuvusito gurumbhavaṃ' (the venerable one dwelt near the teacher), 'anuvusito guru bhotā' (the teacher was dwelt near by the venerable one); 'āsiliṭṭho gurumbhavaṃ' (the venerable one embraced the teacher), 'āsiliṭṭho guru bhotā' (the teacher was embraced by the venerable one).

Adhisayito khaṭopikaṃ bhavaṃ, adhisayitā khaṭopikā bhotā; āruḷho rukkhaṃ bhavaṃ, āruḷho rukkho bhātā; anujiṇṇo vasaliṃ devadatto, anujiṇṇā vasalī devadattena; anujāto māṇavako māṇavikaṃ, anujātā māṇavikā māṇavakena.

'adhisayito khaṭopikaṃ bhavaṃ' (the venerable one lay upon the cot), 'adhisayitā khaṭopikā bhotā' (the cot was lain upon by the venerable one); 'āruḷho rukkhaṃ bhavaṃ' (the venerable one climbed the tree), 'āruḷho rukkho bhātā' (the tree was climbed by the brother); 'anujiṇṇo vasaliṃ devadatto' (Devadatta followed the outcaste woman), 'anujiṇṇā vasalī devadattena' (the outcaste woman was followed by Devadatta); 'anujāto māṇavako māṇavikaṃ' (the young man was born after the young woman), 'anujātā māṇavikā māṇavakena' (the young woman was born after the young man).

Gamanatthākammakādhāre ca-.

And from verbs with the meaning of 'going' and from intransitive verbs, in the sense of 'ādhāra' (locative).

Gamanatthato akammakato ca kriyatthā ādhāre kto hoti kattari ca yathāpattañca; idamesaṃ yātaṃ, iha te yātaṃ, ihatehi yātaṃ, ayaṃ tehi yāto patho, idamesamāsitaṃ, iha te āsitā, iha tehi āsitaṃ, devo ce vaṭṭho sampannā sālayoti -kāraṇa sāmaggisampatti etthābhimatā.

From verbs meaning 'going' and from intransitive verbs, 'kta' occurs in the sense of 'ādhāra' (locative), and in the agent, and as appropriate; 'idamesaṃ yātaṃ' (this place was gone to by them), 'iha te yātaṃ' (here it was gone by you), 'iha tehi yātaṃ' (here it was gone by them), 'ayaṃ tehi yāto patho' (this path was gone by them), 'idamesamāsitaṃ' (this place was sat in by them), 'iha te āsitaṃ' (here it was sat by you), 'iha tehi āsitaṃ' (here it was sat by them)—'devo ce vuṭṭho sampannā sālayoti' (if the god has rained, the rice plants are abundant)—here, the attainment of the complete set of causes is intended.

Āhāratthā-.

From verbs with the meaning of 'āhāra' (eating).

Ajjhohāratthā ādhāre kto hoti yathāpattañca; idamesaṃ bhuttaṃ, idamesaṃ pītaṃ, iha tehi bhuttaṃ, iha tehi pītaṃ, odano tehi bhutto, pītamudakaṃ–-akattattho yogavibhāgo; kathaṃ pītā gāvoti?’Pītamesaṃ vijjatī’tipītā?Bāhulakā vā–-passinnoti yā ettha bhutakālatā tanra kto; evaṃ raññammato, raññamiṭṭho,raññambuddho, raññaṃ pūjito–-evaṃ sīlito, rakkhito, khanto, ākuṭṭho, ruṭṭho, rusito, abhivyāhaṭo, dayito, haṭṭho, kanto, saṃyato,amato–-kaṭṭhanti bhutatāyameva; hetuno phalaṃ tvatra bhāvi.

From verbs with the meaning of 'ajjhohāra' (eating/consuming), 'kta' occurs in the locative (ādhāra) and as appropriate; 'idamesaṃ bhuttaṃ' (this was eaten by them), 'idamesaṃ pītaṃ' (this was drunk by them), 'iha tehi bhuttaṃ' (here it was eaten by them), 'iha tehi pītaṃ' (here it was drunk by them), 'odano tehi bhutto' (rice was eaten by them), 'pītamudakaṃ' (water that has been drunk)—the splitting of the rule is for a meaning other than the agent; 'kathaṃ pītā gāvoti?' (How is 'pītā gāvo' (the cows have drunk) formed?) 'Pītamesaṃ vijjatī'ti pītā?' (Is it 'pītā' because 'there is drinking for them'?) Or by the principle of varied application?—in 'pasanno' (pleased), 'kta' here indicates past time; similarly, 'raññaṃ mato' (esteemed by kings), 'raññaṃ iṭṭho' (dear to kings), 'raññaṃ buddho' (known to kings), 'raññaṃ pūjito' (honored by kings)—similarly, 'sīlito' (practiced), 'rakkhito' (guarded), 'khanto' (endured), 'ākuṭṭho' (scolded), 'ruṭṭho' (angered), 'rusito' (displeased), 'abhivyāhaṭo' (spoken), 'dayito' (loved), 'haṭṭho' (delighted), 'kanto' (desired), 'saṃyato' (restrained), 'amato' (immortal)—'kaṭṭhaṃ' (ploughed) is only in the sense of past time; but here, the fruit is a future result of a cause.

Tuṃtāyetave bhāve bhavissati kriyāyaṃ tadatthāyaṃ-.

The suffixes 'tuṃ', 'tāye', and 'tave' in the sense of 'bhāva', for a future action, for the purpose thereof.

Bhavissatiatthe vattamānato krayatthā bhāve tuṃtāye tave honti kriyāyaṃ tadatthāyaṃ patīyamānāyaṃ; kātuṃ gacchati; kattāye gacchati; kātave gacchati–-icchati bhottuṃ kāmeti bhottunti imināva siddhaṃpunabbidhānetvihāpi siyā icchanto karotīti–-evaṃ sakkotibhottuṃ, jānāti bhottuṃ, gilāyati bhottuṃ, ghaṭate bhottuṃ, ārabhate bhottuṃ, labhate bhottuṃ, pakkamati bhottuṃ, ussahatī bhontuṃ, arahati bhottuṃ, atthi bhottuṃ, vijjati bhottuṃ, vaṭṭati bhottuṃ, kappati bhottunti–-tathā pārayati bhottuṃ, pahu bhottuṃ, samattho bhottuṃ, pariyatto bhottuṃ, alaṃ bhottunti; bhavatissa sabbattha sambhavā–-tathā kālo bhottuṃ, samayo bhottuṃ, velā bhottunti–-yathā-bhottumano, sotuṃ soto, daṭṭhuṃ cakkhu. Yujjhituṃ dhanu, vattu jaḷo, gantuṃ mano, kattumalasoti–-uccāraṇantu vattāyattaṃ–-bhāveti kiṃ? Karissāmiti gacchati; kriyāyanti kiṃ? Bhikkhissaṃ iccassa jaṭā; tadatthāyanti kiṃ gacchissato te bhavissati bhattaṃ bhojanāya.

From a verb existing in the sense of the future, the suffixes 'tuṃ', 'tāye', and 'tave' occur in the sense of 'bhāva' when an action for that purpose is understood; 'kātuṃ gacchati' (he goes to do); 'kattāye gacchati' (he goes for doing); 'kātave gacchati' (he goes to do). It is established by this: 'icchati bhottuṃ' (he wishes to eat), 'kāmeti bhottuṃ' (he desires to eat). By restating the rule here, it may also apply in cases like 'icchanto karoti' (wishing, he does). Thus: 'sakkoti bhottuṃ' (he is able to eat), 'jānāti bhottuṃ' (he knows how to eat), 'gilāyati bhottuṃ' (he is sick of eating), 'ghaṭate bhottuṃ' (he strives to eat), 'ārabhate bhottuṃ' (he begins to eat), 'labhate bhottuṃ' (he gets to eat), 'pakkamati bhottuṃ' (he sets out to eat), 'ussahatī bhottuṃ' (he tries to eat), 'arahati bhottuṃ' (he ought to eat), 'atthi bhottuṃ' (there is to eat), 'vijjati bhottuṃ' (there is to eat), 'vaṭṭati bhottuṃ' (it is proper to eat), 'kappati bhottuṃ' (it is fitting to eat). Likewise: 'pārayati bhottuṃ' (he is able to eat), 'pahu bhottuṃ' (capable of eating), 'samattho bhottuṃ' (competent to eat), 'pariyatto bhottuṃ' (prepared to eat), 'alaṃ bhottuṃ' (enough to eat); because of the possibility of 'bhavati' (is) everywhere. Likewise: 'kālo bhottuṃ' (it is time to eat), 'samayo bhottuṃ' (it is the occasion to eat), 'velā bhottuṃ' (it is the moment to eat). For example: 'bhottumano' (a mind for eating), 'sotuṃ soto' (an ear for hearing), 'daṭṭhuṃ cakkhu' (an eye for seeing), 'yujjhituṃ dhanu' (a bow for fighting), 'vattuṃ jaḷo' (a fool for speaking), 'gantuṃ mano' (a mind for going), 'kattuṃ alaso' (lazy to do). The pronunciation, however, depends on the speaker. Why 'in the sense of bhāva'? [To prevent it here:] 'Karissāmiti gacchati' (He goes, thinking 'I will do'). Why 'for an action'? [To prevent it here:] 'Bhikkhissaṃ iccassa jaṭā' (The matted hair of one who thinks 'I will beg'). Why 'for that purpose'? [To prevent it here:] 'Gacchissato te bhavissati bhattaṃ bhojanāya' (For you who will go, there will be food for eating).

Paṭisedhe’laṃkhalūnaṃ tūnaktvānaktvā vā-.

In prohibition, with `alaṃ` and `khalu`, the suffixes `tuna`, `tvāna`, and `tvā` are optional.

Alaṃkhalusaddānaṃ paṭisedhatthānaṃpayoge tunādayo vā honti bhāve; alaṃ sotuna, khalu sotuna; alaṃ sutvāna, khalu sutvāna; alaṃ sutvā, khalu sutvā; laṃ sutena, khalu sutena–-alaṃ khalūnanti kiṃ? Mā hotu; paṭisedheti kiṃ? Alaṃkāro.

When the words `alaṃ` and `khalu` are used in the sense of prohibition, the suffixes `tuna` and others optionally occur in the sense of the verbal noun; for example, `alaṃ sotuna`, `khalu sotuna`; `alaṃ sutvāna`, `khalu sutvāna`; `alaṃ sutvā`, `khalu sutvā`; `alaṃ sutena`, `khalu sutena`. Why is `alaṃ` and `khalu` stated? To exclude `mā hotu` (let it not be). Why is 'in prohibition' stated? To exclude `alaṃkāro` (an ornament).

Pubbekakattukānaṃ-.

Of prior actions having a single agent.

Eko kattā yesaṃ vyāpārānaṃ tesuyo pubbo tadatthato kriyatthā tunādayo honti bhāve; sotuna yāti, sutvāna, sutvāvā–-ekakattukānanti kiṃ bhuttasmiṃ devadatte yaññadatto vajati; pubbāti kiṃ? Bhuñjati ca pacati ca–-appattvā nadiṃ pabbato, atikkamma pabbataṃ nadīti bhudhātussa sabbattha sambhavā ekakattukatā pubbakālatā ca gamyate. Bhutvā bhutvā gacchatīti imināva siddhamābhikkhaññantu dibbacanāvagamyate–-kathaṃ jīvagāhaṃ agāhasi, kāyappacālakaṃ gacchantītiādi? Ghaṇantena kriyāvisesanena siddhaṃ; yathā odanapākaṃ sayatīti.

Of those actions which have a single agent, for the one which is prior, from the verbal root signifying that meaning, the suffixes `tuna` and others occur in the sense of the verbal noun; for example, `sotuna yāti` (he goes to hear), `sutvāna` (having heard), or `sutvā` (having heard). Why is 'having a single agent' stated? For the case: 'When Devadatta has eaten, Yaññadatta goes'. Why is 'prior' stated? For the case: 'He eats and cooks'. In 'the mountain, without having reached the river' and 'the river, having crossed the mountain', because of the universal possibility of the root `bhū` (to be), both single agency and prior time are understood. In 'having eaten and eaten, he goes', by this itself it is established; repetition, however, is understood from the doubled expression. How are forms such as `jīvagāhaṃ agāhasi` (you seized him alive) and `kāyappacālakaṃ gacchanti` (they go swaying their bodies) explained? It is established by these being adverbs of action ending in the suffix `ṇa`; as in `odanapākaṃ sayati` (he lies down in the manner of cooking rice).

Nto kattari vattamāne-.

The suffix `nta` occurs in the active voice in the present tense.

Cattamānatthe vattamānato kriyatthā nto hoti kattari; tiṭṭhanto.

In the sense of the present, from a verbal root in the present tense, the suffix `nta` occurs in the active voice; for example, `tiṭṭhanto` (standing).

Māno-.

The suffix `māna`.

Vattamānatthe vattamānato kriyatthā māno hoti kattari; tiṭṭhamāno.

In the sense of the present, from a verbal root in the present tense, the suffix `māna` occurs in the active voice; for example, `tiṭṭhamāno` (standing).

Bhāvakammesu -.

In the impersonal and passive voices.

Vattamānatthe vattamānato kriyatthā bhāve kamme ca māno hoti; ṭhīyamānaṃ, paccamāno odano.

In the sense of the present, from a verbal root in the present tense, the suffix `māna` occurs in the impersonal and passive voices; for example, `ṭhīyamānaṃ` (there is standing), `paccamāno odano` (rice being cooked).

Te ssapubbānāgate-.

Those two, preceded by `ssa`, occur in the future tense.

Anāgatatthe vattamānato kriyanthā te ntamānā ssapubbā honti; ṭhassanto, ṭhassamāno, ṭhisissamānaṃ, paccassamāno odano.

In the sense of the future, from a verbal root in the present tense, those two suffixes `nta` and `māna` are preceded by `ssa`; for example, `ṭhassanto`, `ṭhassamāno`, `ṭhisissamānaṃ`, `paccassamāno odano`.

Ṇvādayo-.

The suffixes `ṇvu` and others.

Kriyatthā pare bahakulaṃ ṇvādayo honti; cāru, dāru.

After a verbal root, the suffixes `ṇvu` and others occur variously; for example, `cāru` (lovely), `dāru` (wood).

Khajayānamekassarodi dve-.

For roots such as `khaj`, the first single syllable is doubled.

Khachasappaccayantānaṃ kriyatthānaṃ paṭhamamekassaraṃ saddarūpaṃ dve bhavati; titikkhā, jigucchā, vīmaṃsā.

For verbal roots ending in `kha`, `cha`, or the suffix `sa`, the first single-syllable sound-form is doubled; for example, `titikkhā` (forbearance), `jigucchā` (disgust), `vīmaṃsā` (investigation).

Parokkhāyañca-.

And in the perfect tense.

Parokkhāyaṃ paṭhamamekassaraṃ saddarūpaṃ dve bhavati; jagāma–-cakāro avuttasamuccayattho; tenaññatrāpi yathāgamaṃ.

In the perfect tense, the first single-syllable sound-form is doubled; for example, `jagāma`. The particle `ca` has the meaning of including what is unstated; therefore, elsewhere also, it occurs according to tradition.

Jahāti, jahitabbaṃ, jahituṃ, daddallati, vaṅkamati–-lolupo, momuhoti ottaṃ’tadaminādi’ pāsā.

`jahāti` (abandons), `jahitabbaṃ` (to be abandoned), `jahituṃ` (to abandon), `daddallati` (shines brightly), `vaṅkamati` (walks crookedly)—`lolupo` (greedy), `momuhoti` (is utterly deluded), `ottaṃ` (moral dread), `tadaminādi` (etc.), `pāsā` (snares).

Ādismā sarā-.

For initial vowels.

Ādibhutā sarā paramekassaraṃ dve hoti; asisisati–-ādismāti kiṃ? Jajāgāra; sarāti kiṃ? Papāca.

An initial vowel causes the following single syllable to be doubled; for example, `asisisati`. Why is 'initial' stated? To exclude `jajāgāra`. Why is 'vowel' stated? To exclude `papāca`.

Na puna-.

Not again.

Gaṃ dvibhutaṃ na taṃ puna dvattamāpajjate; titikkhasati, jigucchisati.

A syllable that has been formed by reduplication does not undergo doubling again; for example, `titikkhasati`, `jigucchisati`.

Yathiṭṭhaṃ syādino-.

Optionally for denominatives in `āya`.

Syādyantassa yathiṭṭhamekassaramādibhutamaññaṃ vā yathāgamaṃ dvittamāpajjate; puputtiyisati, putittīyisatī, puttīyiyisati.

For a stem ending in the denominative suffix `āya`, a single syllable, either the initial one or another, is optionally doubled according to tradition; for example, `puputtiyisati`, `putittīyisati`, `puttīyiyisati`.

Rasso pubbassa-.

The vowel of the preceding syllable is shortened.

Citte pubbassalaro rasso hoti; dadāti.

In reduplication, the vowel of the preceding syllable becomes short; for example, `dadāti`.

Lopo’nādibyañjanassa-.

Elision of a non-initial consonant.

Dvitte pubbassādito’ññassabyañjanassa lopo hoti; asisisati.

In reduplication, there is elision of a consonant of the preceding syllable other than the initial one; for example, `asisisati`.

Khajasesvassi -.

For `kha`, `ja`, and `sa`, `a` becomes `i`.

Dvitte pubbassa assa i hoti khachasesu; pipāsati–-khacha sesūti kiṃ? Jahāti; assāti kiṃ? Bubhukkhati.

In reduplication, 'i' is substituted for the 'a' of the preceding syllable in roots ending in 'kha', 'cha', and 'sa'; for example, pipāsati. Why 'kha, cha, sa'? To exclude jahāti. Why 'a'? To exclude bubhukkhati.

Gupissussa -.

Of the 'u' of gup.

Dvitte pubbassa gupissa ussa i hoti khachasesu; jigucchati.

In reduplication, 'i' is substituted for the 'u' of 'gup' in the preceding syllable in roots ending in 'kha', 'cha', and 'sa'; for example, jigucchati.

Catutthadutiyayānaṃ tatiyapaṭhamā-.

For the fourth and second consonants, the third and first consonants are substituted.

Dvitte pubbesaṃ catutthadutiyānaṃ tatiyapaṭhamā honti; bubhukkhati. Ciccheda.

In reduplication, for the fourth and second consonants of the preceding syllable, the third and first consonants are substituted; for example, bubhukkhati, ciccheda.

Kavaggahānaṃ cavaggajā-.

For the ka-group consonants, the ca-group consonants are substituted.

Dvitte pubbesaṃ kavaggahānaṃ vavaggajāhonti yathā kkamaṃ; cukopa, jahāti.

In reduplication, for the ka-group consonants of the preceding syllable, the ca-group consonants are substituted respectively; for example, cukopa, jahāti.

Mānassavī parassa ca maṃ-.

For 'māna', 'vī' is substituted, and 'maṃ' for the following syllable.

Dvitte pubbassamānassa vī hoti, parassaca maṃ; vīmaṃsati.

In reduplication, 'vī' is substituted for 'māna' of the preceding syllable, and 'maṃ' for the following; for example, vīmaṃsati.

Kitassāsaṃsayeti vā-.

For 'kit', optionally, when not in the sense of doubt.

Saṃsayato’ññasmiṃ cattamānassadvitte pubbassa kitassavāti hoti; tikicchati. Cikicchati–-asaṃsayeti kiṃ? Vicikicchati.

When in a sense other than doubt, in reduplication, for 'kit' of the preceding syllable, 'ti' or 'ci' optionally occurs; for example, tikicchati, cikicchati. Why 'when not in the sense of doubt'? To exclude 'vicikicchati'.

Yuvaṇṇānamñoppaccaye-.

Guṇa substitution for i- and u-vowels when a suffix follows.

Ivaṇṇuvaṇṇantānaṃ kriyatthānaṃ ño honti yathākkamaṃ paccaye; cetabbaṃ, netabbaṃ, sotabbaṃ, bhavitabbaṃ.

For verbal roots ending in i- and u-vowels, guṇa substitution occurs respectively when a suffix follows; for example, cetabbaṃ, netabbaṃ, sotabbaṃ, bhavitabbaṃ.

Lahussupantassa-.

Of a short penultimate vowel.

Lahubhutassa upantassa yuvaṇṇassa ño honti yathākkamaṃ; esitabbaṃ, kositabbaṃ–-lahussātikiṃ? Dhūpitā; upantassāti-kiṃ? Rundhati.

For a short penultimate i- or u-vowel, guṇa substitution occurs respectively; for example, esitabbaṃ, kositabbaṃ. Why 'short'? To exclude 'dhūpitā'. Why 'penultimate'? To exclude 'rundhati'.

Assā ṇānubandhe -.

'Ā' for 'a' when 'ṇ' is an anubandha.

Ṇakārānubandhe paccaye pare upantassa akārassa āhoti; kārako.

When a suffix with 'ṇ' as an anubandha follows, the penultimate 'a' vowel becomes 'ā'; for example, kārako.

Na te kānubandhanāgamesu-.

Those substitutions do not occur when 'ka' is an anubandha or in the case of the n-augment.

Te ñoā kānubandhe nāgame ca na honti; cito, suto, diṭṭho, puṭṭho–-nāgame vanādinā. –-Cinitabbaṃ, vinituṃ; suṇitabbaṃ, suṇituṃ; pāpuṇitabbaṃ, pāpuṇituṃ; dhunitabbaṃ, dhunituṃ, dhunanaṃ, dhunayitabbaṃ, dhunāpetabbaṃ, dhunayituṃ,dhunāpetuṃ, dhunayanaṃ, dhunāpanaṃ, dhunayati, dhunāpeti; pīnetabbaṃ, pīnayituṃ, pīnanaṃ, pīnituṃ, pīnayati; sunoti; sinoti; dunoti; hinoti; pahiṇitabbaṃ, pahiṇituṃ, pahiṇanaṃ.

Those guṇa and vṛddhi substitutions do not occur when 'ka' is an anubandha or in the case of the n-augment; for example, cito, suto, diṭṭho, puṭṭho. In the case of the n-augment: cinitabbaṃ, vinituṃ; suṇitabbaṃ, suṇituṃ; pāpuṇitabbaṃ, pāpuṇituṃ; dhunitabbaṃ, dhunituṃ, dhunanaṃ, dhunayitabbaṃ, dhunāpetabbaṃ, dhunayituṃ, dhunāpetuṃ, dhunayanaṃ, dhunāpanaṃ, dhunayati, dhunāpeti; pīnetabbaṃ, pīnayituṃ, pīnanaṃ, pīnituṃ, pīnayati; sunoti; sinoti; dunoti; hinoti; pahiṇitabbaṃ, pahiṇituṃ, pahiṇanaṃ.

Vā kvavi-.

Optionally, sometimes.

Te kvaci vā na honti kānubandhanāgamesu; mudito modito; ruditaṃ, roditaṃ.

Those substitutions optionally do not occur sometimes when 'ka' is an anubandha or in 'nāgama'; for example, mudito, modito; ruditaṃ, roditaṃ.

Aññatrāpi-.

Elsewhere also.

Kānubandhanāgamato’ññasmimpi te kvaci na honti; khipako, panudanaṃ, vadhako.

Elsewhere also, apart from cases with 'ka' as anubandha or the n-augment, those substitutions sometimes do not occur; for example, khipako, panudanaṃ, vadhako.

Pye sissā-.

For 'pi', 'sissa' is substituted.

Sissa āti pyādese; nissāya.

When 'pi' is substituted, 'sissa' is used; for example, nissāya.

Ñonamayavā sare-.

Guṇa and the substitutions na, ma, ya, va occur when a vowel follows.

Sare pare ñonamayavā honti; jayo, bhavo–-sareti kiṃ? Jeti; anubhoti.

When a vowel follows, guṇa and the substitutions na, ma, ya, va occur; for example, jayo, bhavo. Why 'when a vowel follows'? To exclude jeti, anubhoti.

Āyāvā ṇānubandhe-.

The substitutions 'āy' and 'āv' occur when 'ṇ' is an anubandha.

Ñonamāyāvā honti sarādoṇānubandhe; nāyayati, bhāvayati. Sayāpetvātiādisurassattaṃ.

Guṇa, na, ma, āya, and āva occur when a suffix with an initial vowel and 'ṇ' as anubandha follows; for example, nāyayati, bhāvayati. In forms such as sayāpetvā, the vowel is shortened.

Āssāṇāpimhi yuka-.

For roots ending in 'ā', the suffix 'yu' is added, except when 'ṇāpe' is the suffix.

Ākārantassa kriyatthassa yuka hoti ṇāpito’ññasmiṃ ṇānubandhe; dāyako–-ṇānubandhetveva? Dānaṃ. Aṇāpimhīti kiṃ? Dāpayati.

For a verbal root ending in 'ā', the suffix `ṇvu` occurs when a suffix other than `ṇā` has `ṇ` as an anubandha; for example, `dāyako`. Why 'when `ṇ` is an anubandha'? To exclude `dānaṃ`. Why 'when not `ṇā`'? To exclude `dāpayati`.

Padādīnaṃ kvaci-.

For `pad` and others, sometimes.

Padādīnaṃ yuka hoti kvaci; nipajjitabbaṃ, nipajjituṃ, nipajjanaṃ, pamajjitabbaṃ, pamajjituṃ, pamajjanaṃ–-kvacīti kiṃ? Pādo.

For `pad` and others, the suffix `yu` sometimes occurs; for example, `nipajjitabbaṃ` (to be lain down), `nipajjituṃ` (to lie down), `nipajjanaṃ` (lying down), `pamajjitabbaṃ` (to be neglected), `pamajjituṃ` (to neglect), `pamajjanaṃ` (neglecting). Why 'sometimes'? To exclude `pādo` (foot).

Maṃ vā rudhādīnaṃ-.

Optionally, the infix `ṃ` for `rudh` and others.

Rudhādīnaṃ kvaci maṃ vā hoti; rundhituṃ, rujjhituṃ–-kvacitveva? Nirodho.

For `rudh` and others, the infix `ṃ` is sometimes optionally employed; for example, `rundhituṃ` (to obstruct), `rujjhituṃ` (to be obstructed). Why 'sometimes'? To exclude `nirodho` (cessation).

Kvamhi lopo’ntabyañjanassa-.

When the suffix `kvi` follows, there is elision of the final consonant.

Antabyañjanassa lopo hoti kvamhi;’bhattaṃ ghasanti, gaṇhanti vāetthā’ti bhattaggaṃ.

Elision of the final consonant occurs when the suffix `kvi` follows; for example, 'a place where they eat (`ghas`) or take (`gah`) food (`bhatta`)' is `bhattaggaṃ` (a refectory).

Pararūpamayakāre byañjane-.

Assimilation to the following form occurs when a consonant other than `ya` follows.

Kriyatthānamantabyañjanassa pararūpaṃ hoti yakārato’ññasmiṃ byañjane; hettabbaṃ; byañjaneti kiṃ? Bhinditabbaṃ. Ayakāreti kiṃ? Bhijjati.

For a verbal root, the final consonant assimilates to a following consonant that is not `ya`; for example, `bhettabbaṃ` (to be broken). Why 'when a consonant follows'? To exclude `bhinditabbaṃ`. Why 'not `ya`'? To exclude `bhijjati`.

Manānaṃ niggahītaṃ-.

For `m` and `n`, `niggahīta` is substituted.

Makāranakārantānaṃ kriyatthānaṃ niggahītaṃ hotayayakāre byañjane; gantabbaṃ, jaṅghā. Byañjanetveva? Gamanaṃ; aya kāretveva? Gamyate.

For verbal roots ending in `m` or `n`, `niggahīta` is substituted when a consonant other than `ya` follows; for example, `gantabbaṃ`, `jaṅghā`. Why 'when a consonant follows'? To exclude `gamanaṃ`. Why 'other than `ya`'? To exclude `gamyate`.

Na brūsso-.

For `brū`, not `o`.

Brūssa o na hoti byañjane; brūmi. Byañjanetveva? Abravi.

For `brū`, `o` is not substituted when a consonant follows; for example, `brūmi`. Why 'when a consonant follows'? To exclude `abravi`.

Kagā cajānaṃ ghānubandhe-.

`k` and `g` are substituted for `c` and `j` when `gh` is an anubandha.

Ghānubandhe cakārajakārantānaṃ kriyatthānaṃ kagā honti yathākkamaṃ; vākyaṃ, bhāgyaṃ.

When `gh` is an anubandha, for verbal roots ending in `c` or `j`, `k` and `g` are substituted respectively; for example, `vākyaṃ` (speech), `bhāgyaṃ` (fortune).

Hanassa ghāto ṇānubandhe-.

For `han`, `ghāta` is substituted when `ṇ` is an anubandha.

Hanassa ghāto hoti ṇānubandhe; āghāto.

For `han`, `ghāta` is substituted when `ṇ` is an anubandha; for example, `āghāto` (striking, anger).

Kvimhī gho paripaccasamohi-.

When the suffix `kvi` follows, `gha` is substituted (for `han`) after `pari`, `paṭi`, `sama`, and `o`.

Paṭhyādīhi parassahanassagho hoti kvimhi; paligho, paṭigho, aghaṃ-rassattaṃ nipātanā;saṅgho, ogho.

After `paṭi` and others, for a following `han`, `gha` is substituted when the suffix `kvi` follows; for example, `paligho` (obstacle), `paṭigho` (hostility), `saṅgho` (assembly), `ogho` (flood). The form `aghaṃ` (sin) involves shortening by special rule.

Parassa ghaṃ se-.

For a following `han`, `ghaṃ` is substituted when `sa` follows.

Dvitte parassa hanassa ghaṃ hoti se; jighaṃsā.

On reduplication, a following root `han` becomes `ghaṃ` when the desiderative suffix `sa` follows; for example, `jighaṃsā` (desire to kill).

Jiharānaṃ giṃ-.

For `ji` and `har`, `giṃ` is substituted.

Dvitte paresaṃ jiharānaṃ giṃ hoti se; vijigiṃsā, jigiṃsā.

On reduplication, the following roots `ji` and `har` become `giṃ` when the desiderative suffix `sa` follows; for example, `vijigiṃsā` (desire to conquer), `jigiṃsā` (desire to win).

Dhāssa ho-.

For `dhā`, `ha` is substituted.

Dvitte parassa dhāssa ha hoti; dahati.

On reduplication, the following root `dhā` becomes `ha`; for example, `dahati`.

Ṇimhi dīgho dusassa-.

When `ṇi` follows, a long vowel is substituted for `dus`.

Dusassadīgho hoti ṇimhī; dūsito–-ṇimhīti kiṃ? Duṭṭho.

For `dus`, a long vowel occurs when `ṇi` follows; for example, `dūsito`. Why 'when `ṇi` follows'? To exclude `duṭṭho`.

Guhissa sare-

For `guh`, when a vowel follows—

Guhissa dīgho hoti sare; niguhanaṃ–-sareti kiṃ? Guyhaṃ.

For `guh`, a long vowel occurs when a vowel follows; for example, `nigūhanaṃ`. Why 'when a vowel follows'? To exclude `guyhaṃ`.

Muhabahānañca te kānubandhe’tve-.

And for `muh`, `vah`, and `guh`, when followed by `ta` with `ka` as anubandha, excluding `tvā`—

Muhabahānaṃ guhissa ca dīgho hoti takārādo kānubandhetvānatvāvajjite; mūḷho, bāḷehā, guḷho–-neti kiṃ? Muyahati. Kānubandheti kiṃ? Mu-hitabbaṃ. Atveti kiṃ? Muyhitvāna, muyhitvā, kānubandhetveti ayamadhikāro yāva sāsassasisve‘‘ti.

For the roots muh, bah, and guh, the vowel is lengthened before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā and ana; for example, mūḷho, bāḷho, guḷho. Why the exclusion of ana? For the case of muyhati. Why the condition of the anubandha ka? For the case of muhitabbaṃ. Why the exclusion of tvā? For the cases of muyhitvāna and muyhitvā. This governing rule, 'with the anubandha ka and excluding tvā', extends up to the rule sāsassasisve.

Vahassussa-.

Of vah, u is substituted—.

Vahassौssa dīgho hoti te kānubandhe tvānatvāvajjite; cūḷho.

For vah, the substituted u is lengthened before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā and ana; for example, cūḷho.

Dhāssa hi-.

Of dhā, hi is substituted—.

Dhā dhāraṇenimassa hi hoti te kānubandhe tvānatvā vajjite; nihito, nihitavā.

For the root dhā, in the sense of 'to hold', hi is substituted before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā and ana; for example, nihito, nihitavā.

Hamādirānaṃ lopo’ntassa -.

Of the roots of the gam group, elision of the final consonant—.

Hamādīnaṃ rakārantānaṃ vāntassalopo hoti te kānubandhe tvānatvāvajjite; gato, khato, hato, mato, tato, saññato, rato, kato–-tetveca? Gamyate. Kānubandhetveva. Gantabbaṃ. Atvetveva? Gantvāna, gantvā.

For the roots of the gam group and for roots ending in ra, there is optional elision of the final consonant before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā and ana; for example, gato, khato, hato, mato, tato, saññato, rato, kato. Why the condition 'before a suffix beginning with ta'? Consider gamyate. Why the condition 'with the anubandha ka'? Consider gantabbaṃ. Why the condition 'excluding tvā'? Consider gantvāna, gantvā.

Vacādinaṃ vassuṭa vā-.

Of vac, etc., va is optionally substituted by uṭa—.

Vacādīnaṃ vassa vā uṭa hoti kānubandhe’tve; uttā, vuttaṃ; utthaṃ, vutthaṃ; atvetveva? Vatvāna, vatvā.

Of vac, etc., va is optionally substituted by uṭa before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā; for example, uttā, vuttaṃ; utthaṃ, vutthaṃ. Why the condition 'excluding tvā'? Consider vatvāna, vatvā.

Assu-.

Of assa, u is substituted—.

Vacādīnamassa u hoti kānubandhe’tve; vuttaṃ, vutthaṃ.

Of vac, etc., assa becomes u before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā; for example, vuttaṃ, vutthaṃ.

Vaddhassa vā-.

Of vaddh, optionally—.

Vaddhassa assa vā u hoti kānubandhe’tve; vuddho, vaddho–-atvetvava? Vaddhitvāna; vaddhitvā. Kathaṃ vuttīti?’Vutti matte’ti. Nipātanā; vattīti hoteva yathālakkhaṇaṃ.

Of vaddh, assa optionally becomes u before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā; for example, vuddho, vaddho. Why the condition 'excluding tvā'? Consider vaddhitvāna, vaddhitvā. How is vutti formed? It is simply vutti, by irregular formation; vatti, however, is formed according to the general rule.

Yajassayassa ṭiyī-.

Of yaj and yas, ṭiyī is substituted—.

Yajassa yassa ṭiyī hontī kānubandhe’tve; iṭṭhaṃ, siṭṭhaṃ, atvetveva? Yajitvāna, yajitvā.

Of yaj and yas, the substitutions indicated by ṭiyī occur before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā; for example, iṭṭhaṃ, siṭṭhaṃ. Why the condition 'excluding tvā'? Consider yajitvāna, yajitvā.

Ṭhāssi-.

Of ṭhā, i is substituted—.

Ṭhāssi hoti kānubandhe’tve; ṭhito. Atvetveva? Ṭhatvāna, ṭhatvā.

Of ṭhā, i is substituted before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā; for example, ṭhito. Why the condition 'excluding tvā'? Consider ṭhatvāna, ṭhatvā.

Gāpānami hoti kānubandhe’tve; gītaṃ, pītaṃ. Atvetveva? Gāyitvā; niccaṃ yāgamo; pāssa tu pītvāni bahulādhikārā.

Of gā and pā, i is substituted before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā; for example, gītaṃ, pītaṃ. Why the condition 'excluding tvā'? Consider gāyitvā, where there is always the augment yā. For pā, however, pītvā is also found, due to the governing rule of 'variously'.

Janissā-.

Of jan, ā is substituted—.

Janissa ā hoti kānubandhe’tve; jāto. Atvetveva? Janitvā.

Of jan, ā is substituted before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā; for example, jāto. Why the condition 'excluding tvā'? Consider janitvā.

Sāsassasisvā-.

Of sās, sis is optionally substituted—.

Sāsassa vā sishoti kānubandhe’tve; siṭṭhaṃ, satthaṃ; sisso, sāsiyo. Atvetveva? Anusāsitvāna.

Of sās, sis is optionally substituted before a suffix beginning with ta that has the anubandha ka, excluding tvā; for example, siṭṭhaṃ, satthaṃ; also sisso, sāsiyo. Why the condition 'excluding tvā'? Consider anusāsitvāna.

Karassātave-.

Of kar, the vowel becomes ā before tave—.

Karassaā hoti tave; kātave.

Of kar, the vowel becomes ā before tave; for example, kātave.

Tuṃtunatabbesuvā-.

Before tuṃ, tuna, and tabba, optionally—.

Tumādisu vā karassā hoti; kātuṃ, kattuṃ, kātuna, kattuna; kātabbaṃ, kattabbaṃ.

Before the suffixes tuṃ, tuna, and tabba, the vowel of kar is optionally lengthened to ā; for example, kātuṃ, kattuṃ; kātuna, kattuna; kātabbaṃ, kattabbaṃ.

Ñassa ne jā-.

Of ñā, jā is substituted before na—.

Ñadhātussa jā hoti nakāre; jānituṃ, jānatto. Neti kiṃ? Ñāto.

Of the root ñā, jā is substituted before the letter na; for example, jānituṃ, jānatto. Why the condition 'before na'? Consider ñāto.

Sakāpānaṃ kukku ṇe-.

Of sak and āp, the augments indicated by kukku are added before ṇa—.

Sakaāpānaṃ kukku iccete āgamā honti ṇakāre. Sakkuṇanto, pāpuṇanto; sakkuṇoti, pāpuṇoti. Ṇeti kiṃ? Sakkoti, pāpeti.

Of sak and āp, the augments indicated by the mnemonic kukku occur before the letter ṇa; for example, sakkuṇanto, pāpuṇanto; sakkuṇoti, pāpuṇoti. Why the condition 'before ṇa'? Consider sakkoti, pāpeti.

Nito cissa jo-.

After `ni`, for `ci`, `jo` [is substituted]—.

Nismā parassa cissa cho hoti; nicchayo.

After `ni`, for the following root `ci`, `cch` is substituted; for example, `nicchayo`.

Jarasadānamima vā-.

For `jara` and `sada`, `ima` is optionally substituted—.

Jarasadānamantasarā paro īma hoti vibhāsā; jīraṇā, jīrati, jīrāpeti; nisīditabbaṃ, nisīdanaṃ, nisīdituṃ, nisīdati–-vāti kiṃ? Jarā, nisajjā;’īma veti yogavibhāgā aññesampi?Abhiratha, saṃyogādilopo’tthassa.

For the final vowel of `jara` and `sada`, `īma` is substituted optionally; for example, `jīraṇā`, `jīrati`, `jīrāpeti`; `nisīditabbaṃ`, `nisīdanaṃ`, `nisīdituṃ`, `nisīdati`. Why is `vā` (optionally) stated? For `jarā`, `nisajjā`. By splitting the rule as `īma vā`, does it apply to others as well? [Yes, as in] `Abhiratha`; for this, there is elision of the initial member of the conjunct consonant.

Disassa passadassadasdadakkhā-.

For `dis`, `passa`, `dassa`, `das`, `da`, and `dakkha` [are substituted]—.

Disassa passādayo honti vibhāsā; vipassanā, vipassituṃ, vipassati; sudassī, piyadassī, dhammadassī, sudassaṃ, dassanaṃ, dasseti; daṭṭhabbaṃ, daṭṭhā, daṭṭhuṃ, duddaso, addasa; addā, addaṃ; addakkhi, dakkhissati–-vātveva? Dissanti bālā.

For the root `dis`, `passa` and the others are substituted optionally; for example, `vipassanā`, `vipassituṃ`, `vipassati`; `sudassī`, `piyadassī`, `dhammadassī`, `sudassaṃ`, `dassanaṃ`, `dasseti`; `daṭṭhabbaṃ`, `daṭṭhā`, `daṭṭhuṃ`, `duddaso`, `addasa`; `addā`, `addaṃ`; `addakkhi`, `dakkhissati`. Why is `vā` (optionally) stated? For `dissanti bālā`.

Samānā ro rīrikkhakesu -.

After `samāna`, `ra` [is substituted for `dis`] when suffixes like `rī`, `rikkha`, and `ka` follow—.

Samānasaddato parassa disassa ra hoti vā rīrikkhakesu; sarī, sadī; sarikkho, sadikkho; sariso, sadiso.

After the word `samāna`, for the following root `dis`, `ra` is optionally substituted when the suffixes `rī`, `rikkha`, or `isa` follow; for example, `sarī`, `sadī`; `sarikkho`, `sadikkho`; `sariso`, `sadiso`.

Dahassa dassaḍo-.

For `dah`, `dassa` and `ḍa` [are substituted]—.

Dahassa dassaḍo hoti vā; ḍānehā, dāho; ḍahati, dahati.

For the root `dah`, `dassa` and `ḍa` are optionally substituted; for example, `ḍānehā`, `dāho`; `ḍahati`, `dahati`.

Anaghaṇsvāparīhi ḷo-.

After `ā` and `pari`, `ḷa` [is substituted], except in the case of `ghaṇa`—.

Āparīhi parassa dahassa dassa ḷo hotanaghaṇsu; āṇāhanaṃ, pariḷāho.

After `ā` and `pari`, for the following `dah` or `das`, `ḷa` is substituted, except when `ghaṇa` follows; for example, `āṇāhanaṃ`, `pariḷāho`.

Atyādintesvatthissa bhu-.

For `atthi` (`as`), `bhu` [is substituted], except before `ti`, `nta`, etc.—.

Tyādinnavajjitesu paccayesu asa bhuviccassa bhu hoti; bhavitabbaṃ.

Before suffixes, except for `ti`, `nta`, and so on, `bhu` is substituted for the root `as`; for example, `bhavitabbaṃ`.

Ādesavidhānamasassāppayogatthametasmiṃ visaye–-etena katthaci kassaci dhātussāppayogo’pi ñāpito hoti–-atyādintesūti kiṃ? Atthi, santo. Atthissāti kiṃ? Assatissa mā hotu.

This rule of substitution is for the purpose of the non-application of the root `as` in this domain. By this, the non-application of some other root in some other case is also indicated. Why is `atyādintesu` stated? For `atthi`, `santo`. Why is `atthissa` stated? So that it may not apply to `assatissa`.

Aāssaādisu -.

Before `a`, `ā`, `ssa`, etc.—.

Aādo āādo ssaādo ca atthassa bhu hoti; babhuva, abhavā, abhavissā, bhavissati.

Before endings beginning with `a`, `ā`, `ssa`, and so on, `bhu` is substituted for the root `as`; for example, `babhuva`, `abhavā`, `abhavissā`, `bhavissati`.

Ntamānāntiyiyuṃsvādilopo-.

Before `nta`, `māna`, `nti`, `iyuṃ`, etc., there is elision of the initial vowel—.

Ntādīsvatthissādilopo hoti; santo, samāno, santi, santu, siyā, siyuṃ–-etesviti kiṃ? Atthi.

Before `nta` and other such suffixes, there is elision of the initial vowel of `atthi` (`as`); for example, `santo`, `samāno`, `santi`, `santu`, `siyā`, `siyuṃ`. Why is `etesu` (in these cases) stated? For `atthi`.

Pādito ṭhāssa vā ṭhago kvaci-.

After the prefixes `pa`, etc., `ṭha` is optionally substituted for `ṭhā` in some cases—.

Pādīhi kriyāvisesajotakehi saddehi parassa ṭhāssa kvaci ṭhaho vā hoti; saṇṭhahanto, santiṭṭhanto; saṇṭhahati, santiṭṭhati–-pa parā apa saṃanu ava o ni du vi adhi api ati su uabhipati pari upa ā pādi; kvacīti kiṃ? Saṇṭhiti.

After the prefixes `pa` and so on, which are words that indicate distinctions in action, `ṭhaha` is optionally substituted for the following root `ṭhā` in some cases; for example, `saṇṭhahanto`, `santiṭṭhanto`; `saṇṭhahati`, `santiṭṭhati`. The prefixes (`pādi`) are: `pa`, `parā`, `apa`, `saṃ`, `anu`, `ava`, `o`, `ni`, `du`, `vi`, `adhi`, `api`, `ati`, `su`, `u`, `abhi`, `pati`, `pari`, `upa`, `ā`. Why is `kvaci` (in some cases) stated? For `saṇṭhiti`.

Dāssiyaṅi-.

For `dā`, `iyaṅ` [is substituted]—.

Pādito parassa dāssa iyaṅi henāti kvaci; anādisitvā, samādiyati; kvacītveva? Ādāya.

After the prefixes `pa` and so on, `iyaṅ` is optionally substituted for the following root `dā` in some cases; for example, `anādisitvā`, `samādiyati`. Why is `kvaci` (in some cases) stated? For `ādāya`.

Pādito parassakarassa kvacikha hoti; saṅkhāro, saṅkharī yati –-karassāti avatvā karotissāti vacanaṃ timhi ca vikaraṇuppatti ñāpetuṃ.

After the prefixes `pa` and so on, `kha` is sometimes substituted for the following root `kara`; for example, `saṅkhāro`, `saṅkharīyati`. The statement `karotissa` instead of `karassa` is to indicate the arising of the conjugational sign (`vikaraṇa`) also in the case of the `ti` ending.

Purasmā-.

After `pura`—.

Pura iccasmā nipātā parassa karassakha hoti; purakkhatvā, purekkhāro, ettaṃ tadaminādipāṭhā.

After the particle `pura`, `kha` is substituted for the following root `kara`; for example, `purakkhatvā`, `purekkhāro`. This is the reading beginning with `iminā` and so on.

Tito kamassa-.

After `ti`, for `kama`—.

Nismā parassa kamassa kvaci kha hoti; purakkhatvā, purekkhāro, ettaṃ tadaminādipāṭhā.

After `ni`, `kha` is sometimes substituted for the following `kama`; for example, `purakkhatvā`, `purekkhāro`. This is the reading beginning with `iminā` and so on.

Nito kamassa-.

After `ni`, for `kama`—.

Nismā parassa kamassa kvaci kha hoti; nikkhamati; kvacitveva? Nikkamo.

After `ni`, `kha` is sometimes substituted for the following root `kama`; for example, `nikkhamati`. Why is `kvaci` (sometimes) stated? For `nikkamo`.

Yuvaṇṇānamiyaṅuvaṅi sare-.

For the vowels i and u, the replacements iyaṅ and uvaṅ occur before a vowel.

Ivaṇṇuvaṇṇantānaṃ kriyatthānamiyaṅuvaṅi honti sare kvavi;vediyati, bruvanti; sareti kiṃ? Nivedeti, brūti; kvacītveva? Jayati, bhavati.

For verbal roots ending in the vowels i or u, the replacements iyaṅ and uvaṅ sometimes occur before a vowel; for example, vediyati, bruvanti. Why is sare (before a vowel) stated? For nivedeti, brūti. Why kvaci (sometimes)? For jayati, bhavati.

Aññādissāssī kye-.

For the final ā of roots other than ñā and so on, ī is the replacement when kya follows.

Ñādito’ññassa ākārantassa kriyatthassa ī hoti kye; diyati; aññādissāti kiṃ? Ñāyati, tāyati.

For a verbal root ending in ā, other than ñā and so on, ī is the replacement when kya follows; for example, dīyati. Why is aññādissa (other than ñā etc.) stated? For ñāyati, tāyati.

Tanassā vā-.

For tan, ā is the optional replacement.

Tanassa ā hoti vā kye; tāyate, taññate.

For the root tan, ā is the optional replacement when kya follows; for example, tāyate, taññate.

Dīgho sarassa-.

A vowel is lengthened.

Sarantassa kriyatthassadīgho hoti kye; cīyate, sūyate. Sānantarassa tassa ṭho-.

For a verbal root ending in a vowel, lengthening occurs when kya follows; for example, cīyate, sūyate. After sa, for the immediately following ta, ṭha is the replacement.

Sakārantato kriyatthā parassānantarassatakārassa ṭha hoti; kuṭṭho, tuṭṭhavā, tuṭṭhabbaṃ, tuṭṭhī; ananatarasāti kiṃ? Tussitvā.

After a verbal root ending in the letter sa, for the immediately following letter ta, ṭha is the replacement; for example, kuṭṭho, tuṭṭhavā, tuṭṭhabbaṃ, tuṭṭhī. Why is anantarassa (immediately following) stated? For tussitvā.

Kasassima ca vā-.

And for kas, ima is an optional replacement.

Kasasmā parassānantarassa tassa ṭha hoti, kasassa vā ima ca; kiṭṭhaṃ, kaṭṭhaṃ–-anantarassātveva? Kasitabbaṃ.

After kas, for the immediately following ta, ṭha is the replacement, and for kas itself, ima is also an optional replacement; for example, kiṭṭhaṃ, kaṭṭhaṃ. Why is anantarassa (immediately following) stated? For kasitabbaṃ.

Dhastotrastā -.

Dhasta, trasta.

Ete saddā nipaccante.

These words are irregularly formed.

Pucchādito-.

From puccha and so on.

Pucchādīhi kriyatthehi parassānantarassa takārassaṭha hoti; puṭṭho, bhaṭṭho, yiṭṭho–-anantarassātveva? Pucchitvā.

After verbal roots such as puccha, for the immediately following letter ta, ṭha is the replacement; for example, puṭṭho, bhaṭṭho, yiṭṭho. Why is anantarassa (immediately following) stated? For pucchitvā.

Sāsavasasaṃsasasā tho-.

After sāsa, vasa, saṃsa, and sasa, tha is the replacement.

Etehi parassānantarassa tassa tha hoti; satthaṃ, vutthaṃ, pasatthaṃ, satthaṃ–-kathamanusiṭṭhoti? ‘‘Kathanarānaṃ ṭaṭhaṇalā‘‘ti. Ṭho. Anantarassātveva? Sāsatuṃ.

After these, for the immediately following ta, tha is the replacement; for example, satthaṃ, vutthaṃ, pasatthaṃ, satthaṃ. How is anusiṭṭho formed? By the rule, ‘Kathanarānaṃ ṭaṭhaṇalā’. Why is anantarassa (immediately following) stated? For sāsituṃ.

Dho dahabhehi-.

After roots ending in dha, ha, and bha, dha is the replacement.

Dhakārahakārabhakārantehi kriyatthehi parassānantarassa tassa dha hoti; vuddho, duddhaṃ,laddhaṃ.

After verbal roots ending in the letters dha, ha, and bha, for the immediately following ta, dha is the replacement; for example, vuddho, duddhaṃ, laddhaṃ.

Dahā ḍho-.

After dah, ḍha is the replacement.

Dahā parassānantarassa tassa ḍha hoti; daṅḍho.

After the root dah, for the immediately following ta, ḍha is the replacement; for example, daḍḍho.

Bahassuma ca-.

And for bah, uma.

Bahā parassānantarassa tassa so hoti, bahassuma ca sasantayogena; buḍḍho.

After bah, for the immediately following ta, sa is the replacement, and for bah there is also uma by conjunction with the final sa; for example, buḍḍho.

Ruhādīhi ho ḷa ca -.

After ruh and so on, ha is the replacement, and also ḷa.

Ruhādīhi parassānantarassatassa ha hoti, ḷo cāntassa; āruḷho, guḷho, vuḷho, bāḷho; anantarassātveva? Ārogatuṃ.

After ruh and so on, for the immediately following ta, ha is the replacement, and ḷa is the replacement for the final consonant of the root; for example, āruḷho, gūḷho, vuḷho, bāḷho. Why is anantarassa (immediately following) stated? For ārohituṃ.

Muhā vā-.

After muh, optionally.

Muhā parassānantarassa tassa ha hoti vā, ḷo cāntassa hasantiyogena; muḷho, muddho.

After the root muh, for the immediately following ta, ha is optionally the replacement, and ḷa is the replacement for the final consonant of the root; for example, mūḷho, muddho.

Bhidādito no ktakkavantunaṃ-. Bhidādito paresaṃ ktaktavantunaṃ tassano hoti; bhinno, bhinnavā, chinno, chinnavā, channo, channavā, khinno, khinnavā, uppanno, uppananavā, sinno, sinnavā, sanenā, sannavā, pīno, pīnavā, sūno, sūnavā, dīno, dīnavā, ḍīno, ḍīnavā, līno, līnavā, lūno, lūnavā–-ktaktavantunatti kiṃ? Bhitti; chitti, bhottuṃ, chettuṃ.

After roots such as bhid, the ta of the suffixes kta and ktavantu is replaced by na; for example: bhinno, bhinnavā, chinno, chinnavā, channo, channavā, khinno, khinnavā, uppanno, uppannavā, sinno, sinnavā, sanno, sannavā, pīno, pīnavā, sūno, sūnavā, dīno, dīnavā, ḍīno, ḍīnavā, līno, līnavā, lūno, lūnavā. Why is ktaktavantūnaṃ (of kta and ktavantu) stated? For bhitti, chitti, bhottuṃ, chettuṃ.

Dātthīnno-.

After dā, inna is the replacement.

Dāto paresaṃ ktaktavantunaṃ tassa inno hoti; dinno, dinnavā.

After the root dā, for the following suffixes kta and ktavantu, inna is the replacement for their ta; for example, dinno, dinnavā.

Kirādīhi ṇo-.

After the roots kir, etc., `ṇa` is substituted.

Kirādīhi paresaṃ ktaktavantunaṃ tassānantarassa ṇa hoti; kiṇṇo, kiṇṇavā, puṇṇo, puṇṇavā, khīṇo, khīṇavā.

After the roots kir, etc., `ṇa` is substituted for the `t` of the following suffixes `kta` and `ktavantu` and for the immediately preceding consonant; for example: `kiṇṇo`, `kiṇṇavā`, `puṇṇo`, `puṇṇavā`, `khīṇo`, `khīṇavā`.

Tarādīha riṇṇo-.

After the roots tar, etc., `riṇṇa` is substituted.

Tarādīhi paresaṃ ktaktavantunaṃ tassaraṇṇo hoti; tiṇṇo, tiṇṇavā, jiṇṇo, jiṇṇavā, ciṇṇo, ciṇṇavā.

After the roots tar, etc., `riṇṇa` is substituted for the `t` of the following suffixes `kta` and `ktavantu` and for the preceding consonant; for example: `tiṇṇo`, `tiṇṇavā`, `jiṇṇo`, `jiṇṇavā`, `ciṇṇo`, `ciṇṇavā`.

Go bhañjādīhi-.

After the roots bhañj, etc., `ga` is substituted.

Bhañjādīhi paresaṃktaktavantunaṃ tassānantarassaga hoti; bhaggo, bhaggavā, laggo, laggavā, nimuggo, nimuggavā, saṃviggo, saṃviggavā.

After the roots bhañj, etc., `ga` is substituted for the `t` of the following suffixes `kta` and `ktavantu` and for the immediately preceding consonant; for example: `bhaggo`, `bhaggavā`, `laggo`, `laggavā`, `nimuggo`, `nimuggavā`, `saṃviggo`, `saṃviggavā`.

Susā kho-.

After the root sus, `kha` is substituted.

Susā paresaṃ ktaktavantunaṃ tassa kho hoti; sukkheṃ, sukkhavā.

After the root sus, `kha` is substituted for the `t` of the following suffixes `kta` and `ktavantu`; for example: `sukkho`, `sukkhavā`.

Pacā ko-.

After the root pac, `ka` is substituted.

Pacā paresaṃ ktakkavantunaṃ tassa ko hoti; pakko, pakkavā.

After the root pac, `ka` is substituted for the `t` of the following suffixes `kta` and `ktavantu`; for example: `pakko`, `pakkavā`.

Mucā vā-.

After the root muc, optionally.

Mucā paresaṃktaktavantunaṃ tassa ko vā hoti; mukko, mutto; mukkavā, muttavā–-sakkoti ṇvādisu siddhaṃ–-ktaktavantusu satto sattavātveva hoti.

After the root muc, `ka` is optionally substituted for the `t` of the following suffixes `kta` and `ktavantu`; for example: `mukko`, `mutto`; `mukkavā`, `muttavā`. The form `satto` is established in the `ṇvādi` group; with the suffixes `kta` and `ktavantu`, it is only `satto` and `sattavā`.

Lopo vaḍḍhā ktissa-.

Elision of `kti` after the root vaḍḍh.

Vaḍḍhā parassaktissa tassa lopo hoti; vaḍḍhi.

After the root vaḍḍh, there is elision of the `kt` of the following `kti` suffix; for example: `vaḍḍhi`.

Kvissa-.

Of the `kvi` suffix.

Kriyatthā parassa kvissa lopo hoti; abhibhu.

After a verbal root, there is elision of the following `kvi` suffix; for example: `abhibhu`.

Ṇiṇāpīnaṃ tesu-.

Of the suffixes `ṇi`, `ṇā`, and `pī` when they follow.

Ṇiṇāpīnaṃ lopo hoti tesu ṇiṇāpīsu;’kārentaṃ payojayayati’kāreti, kārāpeti.

There is elision of the suffixes `ṇi`, `ṇā`, and `pī` when these same suffixes follow; for example: from `kārentaṃ payojayati` (he employs one who is causing to do) are formed `kāreti`, `kārāpeti`.

Kvacī vikaraṇānaṃ-.

Sometimes, of the conjugational signs.

Vikaraṇānaṃ kvaci lopo hota; udapādi, hanti.

Sometimes, there is elision of the conjugational signs; for example: `udapādi`, `hanti`.

Mānassa massa-.

Of the `ma` of the `māna` suffix.

Kriyatthā parassa mānassa makārassa lopo hoti kvaci; karāṇo; kvacati kiṃ? Kurumāno.

After a verbal root, there is sometimes elision of the `ma` of the following `māna` suffix; for example: `karāṇo`. Why is 'sometimes' stated? For `kurumāno`.

Eilasse-.

Of `i`, `e` is substituted.

Eilāname hota kvacī; gahetvā, adenti; kvacītveva? Vapitvā.

Sometimes `e` is substituted for `i`; for example: `gahetvā`, `adenti`. Why is 'sometimes' stated? For `vapitvā`.

Pyo vā tvāssa samāse-.

Optionally, `pya` is substituted for `tvā` in a compound.

Tvāssavā pyo hota samāse; pakāro’pye sassā’ti. Visesanatthā; abhibhūya, abhibhavitvā–-samāseti kiṃ? Patvā; kvavāsamāse’pi bahakulādhikārā?Lataṃ dantehi chindiya.

The suffix `tvā` optionally becomes `pya` in a compound; for example: `abhibhūya` (alternative form: `abhibhavitvā`). Why is 'in a compound' stated? For `patvā`. Due to its wide application, it is also sometimes found not in a compound; for example: `Lataṃ dantehi chindiya`.

Tuṃyānā-.

Of `tuṃ` and `yāna`.

Tvāssa vā tuṃyānā honti samāse kvaci; abhihaṭhūṃ, abhiharitvā; anumodiyāna, anumoditvā–-asamāse-pi bahulādhikārā? Daṭhuṃ; disvā–-esamappavisayatāñāpanattho yogavibhāgo.

Sometimes in a compound, the suffix `tvā` optionally becomes `tuṃ` or `yāna`; for example: `abhihaṭhūṃ` (for `abhiharitvā`); `anumodiyāna` (for `anumoditvā`). Due to wide application, this also occurs outside of compounds; for example: `daṭhuṃ` (for `disvā`). This division of the rule serves to indicate its limited scope.

Hanā racco-.

After the root `han`, `racca` is substituted.

Hanasmā parassa tvāssa racco vā hoti samāse; ahacca, ahanitvā.

After the root `han`, the following `tvā` suffix optionally becomes `racca` in a compound; for example: `ahacca` (alternative form: `ahanitvā`).

Sāsādhikarā cacariccā-.

From sā, sādh, and kar, [the suffixes] cac and aricca.

Sāsādhīhi parā karā parassa tvāssa cacariccā vā honti yathākkamaṃ; sakkacca, sakkaritvā, asakkacca, asakkaritvā, adhikicca, adhikaritvā,

After sā, sādh, and kar, the suffix tvā optionally becomes cac or aricca, respectively; [for example:] sakkacca, sakkaritvā, asakkacca, asakkaritvā, adhikicca, adhikaritvā.

Ito cco-.

From i, cca [occurs].

Iiccasmā parassa tvāssa cco vā hoti; adhicca, adhiyitvā, samecca, sametvā.

After a root ending in i, the suffix tvā optionally becomes cca; [for example:] adhicca, adhiyitvā, samecca, sametvā.

Disā vānavā sa ca-.

After dis, [the suffixes] vāna and vā, and also sa.

Disato tvāssa vānavā honti vā, disassa ca sakāro taṃ santiyogena; sassa savidhānaṃ pararūpabādhanatthaṃ; disvāna, disvā, passitvā–-kathaṃ nādaṭṭhā parato dosanti? Ñāpakātvāssa valopo; evaṃ laddhā(na) dhanantiādisu.

After dis, the suffix tvā optionally becomes vāna or vā; and the final consonant of dis becomes sa. The prescription of sa is for the purpose of obstructing a subsequent form. [For example:] disvāna, disvā, passitvā. How is it that in nādaṭṭhā there is no fault from what follows? From an indicator, there is elision of the v of tvā; thus in examples such as laddhā(na) dhananti.

Ei byañjanassa-.

E and i before a consonant.

Kriyatthā parassa byañjanādippaccayassa ñi vā hoti; bhuñjituṃ, hottu; byañjanassāti kiṃ? Pācako.

Before a suffix beginning with a consonant, which follows a root for the purpose of action, the augment i is optionally inserted; [for example:] bhuñjituṃ, hottu. Why [the specification] 'of a consonant'? [For example:] pācako.

Rā nassa ṇo-.

After r, for n, ṇa [is substituted].

Rāntato kriyatthā parassa paccayanakārassa ṇo hoti; araṇaṃ, saraṇaṃ.

After a root ending in r, the n of a following suffix used for the purpose of action becomes ṇa; [for example:] araṇaṃ, saraṇaṃ.

Na ntamānatyyādinaṃ-.

Not for nta, māna, tya, and so on.

Rāntato paresaṃ ntamānatyādīnaṃ nassa ṇo na hoti; karonto, kurumāno; karonti.

After a root ending in r, the n of the following suffixes nta, māna, tya, and so on, does not become ṇa; [for example:] karonto, kurumāno, karonti.

Gamayamisāsadisānaṃ vā cchaṅi-.

For gam, yam, is, ās, and dis, optionally ccha and ṅi.

Etesaṃ vā cchaṅi hoti ntamānatyādisu; gacchanto, gacchamāno, gacchati; yacchanto, yacchamāno, yacchati; icchanto, icchamāno, icchati; acchanto, acchamāno, acchati; dicchanto, dicchamāno, dicchati. Vāti kiṃ? Gamissati; vavatthita vihāsattenaññesu ca kvaci? Icchitabbaṃ, icchā, icchituṃ; acchitabbaṃ, acchatuṃ; aññesañca yogavibhāgā? Pavecchati.

For these roots, the substitution ccha optionally occurs before nta, māna, tya, and so on; [for example:] gacchanto, gacchamāno, gacchati; yacchanto, yacchamāno, yacchati; icchanto, icchamāno, icchati; acchanto, acchamāno, acchati; dicchanto, dicchamāno, dicchati. Why 'optionally'? [For example:] gamissati. And is this a restricted option, sometimes applying in other cases? [For example:] icchitabbaṃ, icchā, icchituṃ; acchitabbaṃ, acchatuṃ. And for others, by splitting the rule? [For example:] pavecchati.

Jaramarānamīyaṅi-.

For jar and mar, īya and ṅi.

Etesamīyaṅi vā hoti ntamānatyādisu; jīyanto, jīranto; jīyamāno, jīramāno; jīyati, jīrati; mīyanto, maranto; mīyamāno, maramāno; mīyati, marati.

For these roots, the substitution īya optionally occurs before nta, māna, tya, and so on; [for example:] jīyanto, jīranto; jīyamāno, jīramāno; jīyati, jīrati; mīyanto, maranto; mīyamāno, maramāno; mīyati, marati.

Ṭhāpānaṃ tiṭṭhapivā-.

For ṭhā and pā, [the substitutions] tiṭṭha and piva.

Ṭhapānaṃ tiṭṭhapivā honti vā ntamānatyādisu; tiṭṭhanto, tiṭṭhamāno, tiṭṭhati; pivanto, pivati; vātveva? Ṭhāti, pāti.

For ṭhā and pā, the substitutions tiṭṭha and piva optionally occur before nta, māna, tya, and so on; [for example:] tiṭṭhanto, tiṭṭhamāno, tiṭṭhati; pivanto, pivati. Why 'optionally'? [For example:] ṭhāti, pāti.

Gamavadadānaṃ ghammavajjadajjā-.

For gam, vad, and dā, [the substitutions] ghamma, vajja, and dajja.

Gamādīnaṃ ghammādayo vā honti ntamānatyyādisu; ghammanto, gacchanto; vajjanto, vadanto; dajjanto, dadanto.

For gam and so on, the substitutions ghamma and so on optionally occur before nta, māna, tya, and so on; [for example:] ghammanto, gacchanto; vajjanto, vadanto; dajjanto, dadanto.

Karassa sossa kubbakurukayirā-.

For kar with its o, [the substitutions] kubba, kuru, and kayira.

Karassa saokārassa kubbādayo vā honti ntamānatyādisu; kubbanto, kayiranto, karonto; kubbamāno, kurumāno, kayiramāno, karāṇo; kubbati, kayirati, karoti; kubbate, kurute, kayirate–-vacatthitavibhāsattā vādhikārassa bhiyyo mānaparacchakkesukuru, kvavideva pubbacchakke? Agghaṃ kurutu no bhavaṃ; sossāti vuttattā kattari yevime.

For the root kar with its o, the substitutions kubba and so on optionally occur before nta, māna, tya, and so on; [for example:] kubbanto, kayiranto, karonto; kubbamāno, kurumāno, kayiramāno, karāṇo; kubbati, kayirati, karoti; kubbate, kurute, kayirate. Due to this being a restricted option under the governing rule 'optionally', kuru occurs more with māna and the parasamaipada endings; where is it with the attanopada endings? [For example:] Agghaṃ kurutu no bhavaṃ. Since sossa was stated, these are indeed in the agentive sense.

Gahassa gheppo-.

For gah, [the substitution] gheppa.

Gahassa vā gheppoti ntamānatyādisu; gheppanto, gheppamāno, gheppati–-vātveva? Gaṇhāti.

For gah, the substitution gheppa optionally occurs before nta, māna, tya, and so on; [for example:] gheppanto, gheppamāno, gheppati. Why 'optionally'? [For example:] gaṇhāti.

Ṇo niggahitassa-.

Ṇa for the niggahīta.

Gahassa niggahatassa ṇo hoti; gaṇhitabbaṃ, gaṇhituṃ, gaṇhanto.

For the niggahīta of the root gah, ṇa occurs; [for example:] gaṇhitabbaṃ, gaṇhituṃ, gaṇhanto.

Iti moggallāne vyākaraṇe vuttiyaṃ khādikaṇḍo pañcamo.

Thus in the Vutti to the Moggallāna Grammar ends the fifth chapter, the Khādikaṇḍa.

Vattamāne tiantisithamimatñante sevhñemhe-.

In the present tense, [the endings are] ti, anti, si, tha, mi, ma (for the active voice), and te, ante, se, vhe, e, mhe (for the middle voice).

Vattamānñāraddhāparisamatte atthe vattamānato kriyatthā tyādayo hontī; gacchati, gacchanti, gacchasi, gacchatha, gacchāmi, gacchāma; gacchate, gacchante, gacchase, gacchavhe, gacche, gacchamhe –-kathaṃ pure adhammo dippati, purā marāmiti? Vattamānasseva vattumiṭṭhattā, taṃsamīpassataggahaṇena gahaṇā; purepurāsaddehi vā anāgatattāvagamyate, tadā tassa vattamānattā; kālavyattayo vā eso; bhavanteva hi kālantare’pi tyādayo bāhulakā?‘‘Santesu pariguhāmi mā ca kiñci ito adaṃ, kāyayassa bhedā abhisamparāyaṃ sahavyataṃ gacchati vāsavassa, anekajātisaṃsāraṃ sandhāvissaṃ, ativelaṃ namassissanti‘‘.

In the sense of an action begun but not completed in the present, the suffixes ti and so on occur after a root for the purpose of action in the present tense; [for example:] gacchati, gacchanti, gacchasi, gacchatha, gacchāmi, gacchāma; gacchate, gacchante, gacchase, gacchavhe, gacche, gacchamhe. How then [are the present tense forms in] 'pure adhammo dippati' (in the past, unrighteousness blazes) and 'purā marāmi' (before I die)? Because of the desire to speak of it as present, it is included by grasping its proximity. Alternatively, by the words pure and purā, futurity is understood, and at that time it has the nature of the present. Or, this is an interchange of tenses. Indeed, do ti and so on occur frequently even in other tenses? [For example:] 'Santesu pariguhāmi mā ca kiñci ito adaṃ' (Among the good I will hide, and I gave nothing from here); 'kāyassa bhedā abhisamparāyaṃ sahavyataṃ gacchati vāsavassa' (At the breaking up of the body, in the next world he goes to the companionship of Vāsava); 'anekajātisaṃsāraṃ sandhāvissaṃ' (Through the round of many births I have run); 'ativelaṃ namassissanti' (they will pay excessive homage).

Bhavassati ssatissantissasissathassāmissāmassatessante ssasessavhessaṃssāmhe-.

In the future tense, [the endings are] ssati, ssanti, ssasi, ssatha, ssāmi, ssāma (for the active voice), and ssate, ssante, ssase, ssavhe, ssaṃ, ssāmhe (for the middle voice).

Bhavissati anāraddhe atthe vattamānato kriyatthā ssatyādayo honti; gamissati, gamissanti, gamissasi, gamissatha, gamissāmi, gamissāma; gamissate, gamissante, gamissase, gamissavhe, gamissaṃ, gamissāmhe.

In the future tense, in the sense of an action not yet begun, the endings 'ssati' and so on occur for the purpose of action from the root; [examples:] 'gamissati', 'gamissanti', 'gamissasi', 'gamissatha', 'gamissāmi', 'gamissāma'; 'gamissate', 'gamissante', 'gamissase', 'gamissavhe', 'gamissaṃ', 'gamissāmhe'.

Nāme garahāvimbhayesu-.

With the particle 'nāma', in the senses of censure and amazement.

Nāmasadde nipāte sati garahāyaṃ vimbhaye ca gamyamānessatyādayo honti; ime hi nāma kalyāṇadhammā paṭijānissanti; na hi nāma bhikkhave tassa moghapurisassapāṇesu anuddayā bhavissati; kathañhi nāma so bhikkhave moghapuriso sabbamattikāmayaṃ kuṭikaṃ karissati; tattha nāma tvaṃ moghapurisamayā virāgāya dhamme desite sarāgāya vetessasi, atthi nāmatāta sudinna ābhidosikaṃ kummāsaṃ paribhuñjissasi, atthiyevihāpi nindāvagamo. Vimbhaye?- Acchariyaṃ vata bho abbhūtaṃ vata bho santena vata bho pabbajitā vihārenaviranti, yatra hi nāma saññī samāno jāgaro pañcamattānī sakaṭasatāni nissāya nissāya atikkantāni neva dakkhiti, na pana saddaṃ sossati; acchariyaṃ andho nāma pabbatamārohissati; badhiro nāma saddaṃ sossati.

When the indeclinable particle 'nāma' is present, the endings 'ssati' and so on occur when the sense of censure or amazement is understood. [Censure:] "ime hi nāma kalyāṇadhammā paṭijānissanti"; "Indeed, monks, will that worthless person have compassion for living beings?"; "How indeed, monks, will that worthless person make a hut entirely of clay?"; "There, you worthless person, when the Dhamma has been taught by me for dispassion, will you incline towards passion?"; "Indeed, father Sudinna, will you eat leftover gruel, a transgression?"; even here there is an instance of blame. [Amazement:] "Wonderful indeed, sirs! Astonishing indeed, sirs! How peacefully, sirs, the renunciants dwell, where indeed one, being conscious and awake, will neither see nor hear the sound of five hundred carts passing very close by!"; "Wonderful, a blind man will climb a mountain; a deaf man will hear a sound!"

Bhute īuṃotthembhāāūsevhaṃambhe-.

In the past tense, the endings are: 'ī', 'uṃ', 'o', 'ttha', 'iṃ', 'mhā' (for the active voice); and 'ā', 'ū', 'se', 'vhaṃ', 'aṃ', 'mhe' (for the middle voice).

Bhute parisamattñatthe vattamānato kriyatthā īādayo honti; agamī, agamuṃ, agamo, agamittha, agamiṃ, agamimhā; agamā, agamū, agamise, agamivhaṃ, agama, agamimhe–-bhuta sāmaññavacanicchāyamanajjatanepi? Suvo ahosi ānando.

In the past tense, in the sense of a completed action, the endings 'ī' and so on occur for the purpose of action from the root; [examples:] 'agamī', 'agamuṃ', 'agamo', 'agamittha', 'agamiṃ', 'agamimhā'; 'agamā', 'agamū', 'agamise', 'agamivhaṃ', 'agama', 'agamimhe'. Is this also in the non-today past, by the wish to express the general past? [Example:] 'Sve ahosi ānando' (Tomorrow Ānanda will be).

Anajjatane āūotthaamhātthatthuṃsevhaṃiṃmbhase-.

In the past of not-today, the endings are: 'ā', 'ū', 'o', 'ttha', 'amhā' (for the active voice); and 'ttha', 'tthuṃ', 'se', 'vhaṃ', 'iṃ', 'mhase' (for the middle voice).

Avijjamānajjatane bhute’tthe vattamānato kriyatthā āādayo honti.

In the past of not-today, in the sense of a past event, the endings 'ā' and so on occur for the purpose of action from the root.

Āñāyyā ca uṭṭhānā āñāyyā ca saṃvesanā,Esajjatano kālo aharūbhayataḍḍharattaṃ vā;

And rising with understanding, and lying down with understanding. This is the time of 'today': the day flanked on both sides by midnight.

Agamā, agamū, agamo, agamattha, agama, agamamhā; agamittha, agamatthuṃ, agamase, agamavhaṃ, gamiṃ, agamamhase; aññapadattho kiṃ? Ajja hiyyo vā agamāsi.

[Examples:] He went, they went, you (sg.) went, you (pl.) went, I went, we went; he went, they went, you (sg.) went, you (pl.) went, I went, we went. What is the purpose of this other tense-form? [An example of the aorist:] 'You went today or yesterday.'

Parokkhe oetthaambhattharetthovhoimhe-.

In the perfect tense, the endings are: 'o', 'u', 'e', 'ttha', 'a', 'mha' (for the active voice); and 'ttha', 're', 'ttho', 'vho', 'i', 'mhe' (for the middle voice).

Apaccakkhe bhutānajjatane’tthe cattamānato kriyatthā aādayo honti; jagāma, jagamu, jagame, jagamittha, jagama, jagamimha; jagamittha, jagamire, jagamittho, jagamivho, jagami, jagamimhe. –––––––––––––––––––-

In the sense of a past that is not directly perceived and not of today, the endings 'a' and so on occur for the purpose of action from the root. For example: jagāma (he went), jagamu (they went), jagame (you sg. went), jagamittha (you pl. went), jagama (I went), jagamimha (we went); jagamittha (he went), jagamire (they went), jagamittho (you sg. went), jagamivho (you pl. went), jagami (I went), jagamimhe (we went).

Mūḷhavikkhittabyāsattacittonattanāpi kriyā katābhinibbattikāle’nupaladdhā samānā elenānumīyamānā parokkhāca vatthuto; tenuttamavsaye’pi payogasambhavo.

Even for oneself, when one has a mind that is deluded, scattered, and occupied, an action, though performed, being unperceived at the moment of its arising and being inferred by its result, is in reality remote (unperceived). Therefore, its use is possible even in the case of the first person.

Eyyādo vātipattiyayaṃ ssāssaṃsussessathassaṃssamhāssatha ssiṃsussasessavhessiṃssāma ase-.

In the conditional mood (non-performance of an action), the endings are: 'ssā', 'ssaṃsu', 'sse', 'ssatha', 'ssaṃ', 'ssāmhā' (for the active voice); and 'ssatha', 'ssiṃsu', 'ssase', 'ssavhe', 'ssiṃ', 'ssāmhase' (for the middle voice).

Eyyādo visaye kriyātipattiyaṃ ssādayo honti vibhāsā; vidhurappaccayopanipātato kāraṇavekallato vā kriyāyāti patanamanipphatti kriyātipatti; ete ca ssādayo sāmatthiyātītānāgatesveva honti, na vattamāne, tatra kriyātipattya sambhavā.

In the conditional mood, in the case of the non-performance of an action, the endings 'ssā' and so on occur optionally. The non-performance of an action is the failure or non-accomplishment of an action, due to the occurrence of an obstructing condition or a deficiency in the cause. And these endings 'ssā' and so on, by their nature, occur only in the past and future, not in the present, because the non-performance of an action is impossible therein.

Sace paṭhamavaye pabbajjaṃ alabhissā, arahā abhavissā; dakkhiṇena ce agamissā, na sakaṭaṃ pariyābhavissā- dakkhiṇena ce agamissaṃsu, agamisse, agamissatha, agamissaṃ, agamissamhā, agamissatha, agamissiṃsu, agamissase, agamissavhe,agamissiṃ, agamissāma ase- na sakaṭaṃ pariyābhavissā. Vāti kiṃ? Dakkhiṇena ce gamissati, na sakaṭaṃ pariyābhavissati.

If he had received ordination in his youth, he would have become an Arahant; if he had gone by the right, the cart would not have overturned. [Similarly with other endings:] if they had gone by the right, if you (sg.) had gone, if you (pl.) had gone, if I had gone, if we had gone; if he had gone, if they had gone, if you (sg.) had gone, if you (pl.) had gone, if I had gone, if we had gone—the cart would not have overturned. Why 'optionally'? [Because one can also use the future tense:] If he goes by the right, the cart will not overturn.

Hetuphalesveyyaeyyuṃeyyāsaeyyāthaeyyāmieyyāmaetha eraṃethoeyyavhoeyyaṃeyyāmhe-.

In the sense of cause and effect, the endings are: 'eyya', 'eyyuṃ', 'eyyāsi', 'eyyātha', 'eyyāmi', 'eyyāma' (for the active voice); and 'etha', 'eraṃ', 'etho', 'eyyavho', 'eyyaṃ', 'eyyāmhe' (for the middle voice).

Hetubhutāyaṃ phalabhutāyañca kriyāyaṃ vattamānato kriyatthāeyyādayo vā honti.

In an action that is a cause and in an action that is an effect, the endings 'eyya' and so on occur optionally for the purpose of action from the root.

Sace saṃkhārā niccā bhaveyyuṃ, na nirujjheyyuṃ; dakkhineṇana ce gaccheyya, na sakaṭaṃ pariyābhaveyya-dakkhiṇena ce gaccheyyuṃ, gaccheyyāsi, gaccheyyātha, gaccheyyāmi, gaccheyayyāma; gacchetha, gaccheraṃ, gacchetho, gaccheyyavho, gaccheyyaṃ, gaccheyyāmhe- na sakaṭaṃ pariyābhaveyya; bhavanaṃ gamanañca hetu, anirujjhanaṃ pariyābhavanañca phalaṃ–-iha kasmā na hoti?- Hantīti palāyati, vassatīti dhāvati, hanissatīti palāyissatīti? Itisaddeneva hetuhetumantatāyaya jotitattā vāti kiṃ dakkhiṇena ce gamissati, na sakaṭaṃ pariyā bhavissati.

If formations were permanent, they would not cease. If one were to go by the south, the cart would not overturn. [Similarly with other endings:] if they were to go by the south, if you (sg.) were to go, if you (pl.) were to go, if I were to go, if we were to go; if he were to go, if they were to go, if you (sg.) were to go, if you (pl.) were to go, if I were to go, if we were to go—the cart would not overturn. Being and going are the cause; non-ceasing and not-overturning are the effect. Why does this not apply here: 'He flees, thinking, "He is striking"'; 'He runs, thinking, "It is raining"'; 'He will flee, thinking, "He will strike"'? Because the relationship of cause and effect is already indicated by the particle 'iti'. Why 'optionally'? [Because one can also use the future:] If one goes by the south, the cart will not overturn.

Pañhapatthanāvidhisū-.

In questions, aspirations, and injunctions.

Pañho-sampucchanaṃ sampadhāraṇā nirūpanā kāriyanicchayanaṃ; patthanā-yāvanamiṭṭhāsiṃsanañca; vidhānaṃ vidhi niyojanaṃ kriyāsu vyāpāraṇā; sā ca duvidhāva?- Sādarānādaravasena, visayabhedena bhinnāyapi tadubhayānativattanato.

Questioning: asking, deliberation, investigation, determination of what is to be done. Aspiration: requesting and wishing for what is desired. Injunction: rule, assignment, engagement in activities. And this is of two kinds: by way of respect and disrespect, because although it is differentiated by distinctions of object, it does not go beyond these two.

Etesu pañhādisu kriyatthato eyyādayo honti; pañhe?-Kimāyasmā vinayampariyāpuṇeyya,udāhu dhammaṃ?; Gaccheyyaṃ vāhaṃ uposathaṃ, na vā gaccheyyaṃ?, Patthanāyaṃ?- Labheyyāhakakambhante bhagavato santike pabbajjaṃ, labheyyaṃ upasampadaṃ; passeyyaṃ taṃ vassasataṃ arogaṃ. Vidhimhi?-Bhavaṃ pattaṃ paceyya, bhavaṃ puññaṃ kareyya, iha bhavaṃ bhuñjeyya, iha bhavaṃ nisīdeyya, māṇavakaṃ bhavaṃ ajjhāpeyya–-anuññāpattakālesupi siddhāva, tatthāpi vidhippatītito; anuññāyaṃ?Evaṃkareyyāsi. Pattakāle?- Kaṭaṃ kareyyāsi, patto te kālo kaṭakaraṇe; yadi saṅghassa pattakallaṃ saṅgho uposathaṃ kareyya; etassa bhagavā kālo, etassa sugata kālo, yambhagavā sāvakānaṃ sikkhāpadaṃ paññapeyya–-pesane’picchanti?- Gāmaṃ tvaṃ bhaṇe gaccheyyāsi.

In these contexts of questions and so on, the endings 'eyya' and so on occur for the purpose of action. In questioning: 'Venerable sir, should you study the Vinaya, or the Dhamma?'; 'Should I go to the Uposatha, or should I not go?'. In aspiration: 'Venerable sir, may I receive the going forth in the presence of the Blessed One; may I receive the higher ordination; may I see you for a hundred years in good health.' In injunction: 'Sir, you should fire the bowl; sir, you should make merit; sir, you should eat here; sir, you should sit here; sir, you should teach the student.' This is also established in the cases of permission and opportune time, for there too an injunction is understood. In permission: 'You may do so.' At an opportune time: 'You should make the mat; the time for you to make the mat has come'; 'If the time is right for the Sangha, the Sangha should perform the Uposatha'; 'This is the time, Blessed One, this is the time, Sugata, for the Blessed One to lay down a training rule for the disciples.' Do they also accept it in the sense of commanding? 'Friend, you should go to the village.'

Tuattuhithamimataṃantaṃssuvhoñāmase-.

The endings are: 'tu', 'antu', 'hi', 'tha', 'mi', 'ma' (for the active voice); and 'taṃ', 'antaṃ', 'ssu', 'vho', 'e', 'āmase' (for the middle voice).

Pañhādisvete honti kriyatthato; kriyatthato; yacchatu, gacchantu, gacchāhi, gacchatha, gacchāmi, gacchāma, gacchataṃ, gacchantaṃ, gacchassu, gacchavho, gacche, gacchāmase–-pañhe?- Kinnu balu ho vyākaraṇamadhiyassu?. Patthanāyaṃ?- Dadāhi me, jivatu bhavaṃ. Visimhi?-Kaṭaṃ karotu bhavaṃ, puññaṃ karotu bhavaṃ, iha bhavaṃ bhuñjatu, ihabhavaṃ nisīdatu, uddisatu bhante bhagavā pātimokkhā. Pesane?- Gaccha bhaṇe gāmaṃ. Anumatiyaṃ?Evaṃ karohi. Pattakāle?-Kālo’yaṃ te mahāvīra uppajja mātukucchiyaṃ.

In questions and so on, these endings occur for the purpose of action. [Examples:] 'yacchatu' (let him give), 'gacchantu' (let them go), 'gacchāhi' (go!), 'gacchatha' (go! pl.), 'gacchāmi' (let me go), 'gacchāma' (let us go); 'gacchataṃ' (let him go), 'gacchantaṃ' (let them go), 'gacchassu' (go!), 'gacchavho' (go! pl.), 'gacche' (let me go), 'gacchāmase' (let us go). In questioning: 'Why indeed, sir, should you not study grammar?'. In aspiration: 'Give to me; may you, sir, live long.' In injunction: 'Let the gentleman make a mat; let the gentleman do merit; let the gentleman eat here; let the gentleman sit here; Venerable sir, let the Blessed One recite the Pātimokkha.' In commanding: 'Go, friend, to the village.' In permission: 'Do so.' At the opportune time: 'This is your time, O Great Hero, to arise in your mother's womb.'

Sattyarahesveyyādi-.

In the senses of capability and worthiness, the endings 'eyya' and so on are used.

Sattiyaṃ arahatthe ca kriyatthā. Eyyādayo honti; bhavaṃ khalu rajjaṃ kareyya, bhavaṃ satto; arabho.

In the sense of capability and in the sense of worthiness, the endings 'eyya' and so on occur for the purpose of action. For example: 'Indeed, sir, you should rule the kingdom' (implying: 'sir, you are capable'); 'Sir, you are capable'; 'He is worthy.'

Sambhāvane vā-.

And optionally in the sense of possibility.

Sambhāvane gamyamāne dhātunā vuccamāne ca eyyādayohonti vibhāsā; api pabbataṃ sirasā bhindeyya. Kriyātipattiyantussādi?- Asaniyāpi hato nāpatissā sambhāvemi saddahāmiavakappemi bhuñjeyya bhavaṃ; bhujissati bhavaṃ, abhuñji bhavaṃ. Krayātipattiyantussādi-sambhāvemi nābhujissaṃ bhavaṃ.

When possibility is understood and expressed by the root, the eyyā-etc. suffixes optionally occur. For example: 'One might even split a mountain with one's head.' In the case of the non-completion of an action, what about the ssā-etc. suffixes? 'Even if struck by lightning, I would not have fallen.' I suppose, I believe, I accept: 'Your honor might eat; your honor will eat; your honor ate.' In the case of the non-completion of an action, regarding the ssā-etc. suffixes: I suppose, 'Your honor would not have eaten.'

Māyoge īāādi-.

When conjoined with `mā`, the īā-etc. suffixes.

Māyoge sati īādayo āādayo ca vā honti; māssupunapi evarūpamakāsi, mā bhavaṃ agamā vanaṃ; vāti kiṃ? Mā tekāmaguṇe bhamassu cittaṃ, mā tvaṃ karissasi, mā tvaṃ kareyyāsi–-asakakālattho’yamārambho; buddho’bhavissatīti padantara sambandhena anāgatakālatā patiyate, evaṃ kato kaṭo svebhavissati, bhāvi kaccamāsīti; lunāhi lunāhitvevāyaṃ lunāti, lunassu lunassutvevāyaṃ lunātīti tvādīnamevetaṃ majjhimapuri sekavacanānamābhikkhaññe vibbavanaṃ; idaṃ vuttaṃ hoti?-Evamesa turito aññe’pi niyojento viya kiriyaṃ karotīti; evaṃ lunātha lunāthātvevāyaṃ lunāti, lunavho lunavho tvevāyaṃ lunāti; tathā kālattaresupi lunāhi lunāhitvevāyaṃ aluni, alunā, lulāva, lunissatīti; evaṃ ssumhi ca yojanīyaṃ–-tathā samuccaye’pi maṭhamaṭa, vihāramaṭetvevāyamaṭati; maṭhamaṭassu, vihāramaṭassutvevāyamaṭati–-byāpārabhede tu sāmaññavacanasseva byāpakattā anuppayogo bhavati? Odanaṃ bhuñja, yāgumpiva, dhānā khādetvāvāyamajjhoharati.

When conjoined with `mā`, the īā-etc. and āā-etc. suffixes optionally occur. For example: 'Do not do such a thing again'; 'Sir, do not go to the forest.' Why `vā` (optionally)? 'Let not your mind wander among those sensual pleasures'; 'You shall not do'; 'You should not do.' This section is not about a single tense. The future tense in 'he will become a Buddha' is understood by connection with another word. Thus, 'the mat having been made will be tomorrow'; 'the work to be done was.' This is the elucidation of repetition for the second person singular suffixes like `hi`, as in 'cut, cut!'—thus he cuts; 'cut, cut!'—thus he cuts. What is meant by this? 'Thus, this one, being hurried, performs the action as if also commanding others.' Thus, 'cut, cut!' (pl.)—thus he cuts; 'cut, cut!' (pl.)—thus he cuts. Likewise in the three tenses too: 'cut, cut!'—thus he cut, has cut, or will cut. Thus it should be applied in the case of `ssu` also. Likewise in combination too: 'wander, wander!'—thus he wanders in the monastery; 'wander, wander!'—thus he wanders in the monastery. But when there is a difference in action, is there an application due to the inclusiveness of the general word? For example: 'Eat rice, drink gruel, eat roasted grain'—thus he consumes.

Pubbaparacchakkānamekānekesu tumhāmhasesesu dvedve majjhimuttamapaṭhamā-.

For the preceding and succeeding groups of six suffixes, in singular and plural, and in the case of the pronouns for 'you', 'we', and the rest, there are two each for the second, first, and third persons respectively.

Ekanekesutumhāmhasaddavacanīyesu tadaññasaddavacanīyesu ca kārakesupubbacchakkānaṃ paracchakkānaṃ majjhimuttamapaṭhamā dve dve honti yathākkamaṃ kriyatthā; uttamasaddo’yaṃ sabhāvato tatiyaduke ruḷho–-tvaṃ gacchasi, tumhe gacchatha, tvaṃ gacchase, tumhe gacchavhe; tvaṃgacchasi, tumhe gacchatha, tvaṃ gacchase, tumhe gacchavhe; ahaṃgacchāmi, mayaṃ gacchāma,ahaṃ gacche, mayaṃ gacchāmhe; so gacchati, te gacchanti, so gacchate, te gacchante.

When the agent is expressed by singular and plural words for 'you' and 'we', and by words for others, for the preceding and succeeding groups of six suffixes, there are two each for the second, first, and third persons, respectively, for the purpose of the action. This word `uttama` (first person) is by convention established for the third pair. For example: 'you (sg.) go', 'you (pl.) go', 'you (sg.) go' (middle voice), 'you (pl.) go' (middle voice); 'I go', 'we go', 'I go' (middle voice), 'we go' (middle voice); 'he goes', 'they go', 'he goes' (middle voice), 'they go' (middle voice).

Sāmatthiyā laddhantā appaṭhujjamānesupi tumhāmhasesesu bhavanti–-gacchasī, gacchatha, gacchase, gacchavhe; gacchāmi, gacchāma, gacche, gacchāmhe; gacchati,gacchanti, gacchate, gacchante.

By the inherent capacity of the verb, the endings occur even when the pronouns for 'you', 'we', and the rest are not used. For example: (one understands) 'you (sg.) go', 'you (pl.) go', 'you (sg.) go' (middle voice), 'you (pl.) go' (middle voice); 'I go', 'we go', 'I go' (middle voice), 'we go' (middle voice); 'he goes', 'they go', 'he goes' (middle voice), 'they go' (middle voice).

Āīssādisvaña vā-.

Optionally, another (suffix) in the ā, ī, ssā-etc. forms.

Āādo īādo ssāādo ca kriyatthassa vā aña hoti, ñakāro’nubandho–-agamā, gamā; agamī, gamī; agamissā, gamissā.

The ā-etc., ī-etc., and ssā-etc. suffixes of a verb optionally become another form; `ñ` is an indicatory letter. For example: agamā, gamā; agamī, gamī; agamissā, gamissā.

Aādisvāho brūssa-. Brūssa āho hoti aādisu; āha, āhu.

For `brū`, `āho` (is the substitute) in the a-etc. forms. For `brū`, `āho` occurs in the a-etc. forms. For example: āha (he said), āhu (they said).

Bhussa cuka-.

For `bhū`, `cuka` (is substituted).

Aādisu bhussa cuka hoti; kakāro’nubandho; ukāro uccāraṇattho; babhuva.

In the a-etc. forms, `bhū` becomes `cuka`. The letter `k` is an indicatory letter. The letter `u` is for pronunciation. For example: babhuva (he became).

Pubbassa a-.

For the preceding, `a` (is substituted).

Aādisu dvitte pubbassa bhussaa hoti; babhuva.

In the a-etc. forms, during reduplication, the preceding `bhū` becomes `a`. For example: babhuva (he became).

Ussaṃsvāhā vā-.

Optionally, `āhā` for `uṃsu`.

Āhādesā parassौssaaṃsuvā hoti; āhaṃsu āhu.

The substitution `āhā` optionally occurs for the third person suffix `uṃsu`. For example: āhaṃsu, āhu.

Tyantīnaṃ ṭaṭū-.

For `ti` and `antī`, `ṭa` and `ṭū` (are substituted).

Āhā paresaṃ tiantīnaṃ ṭaṭū honti; ṭakārā sabbādesatthā; āha, āhu. Atoyeva ca ñāpakā tiantisu ca brūssāho.

After `āh` (the substitute for `brū`), the third person suffixes `ti` and `antī` become `ṭa` and `ṭū` respectively. The letter `ṭ` indicates a total substitution. For example: āha, āhu. And from this very rule as an indicator, it is known that `āho` is the substitute for `brū` also in the case of the `ti` and `antī` suffixes.

Īādovacassoma-.

For `vac`, `oma` (is the substitute) in the ī-etc. forms.

Īādisuvacassa oma hoti; makāro’nubandhā; avoca; īādoti kiṃ? Avaca.

In the ī-etc. forms, `vac` becomes `oma`; the letter `m` is an indicatory letter. For example: avoca. Why 'in the ī-etc. forms'? For example: avaca.

Dāssa daṃ vā mamesvadvitte-.

For `dā`, `daṃ` (is substituted) optionally before `mi` and `ma`, when not reduplicated.

Advitte vattamānassa dāssa daṃ vā hoti mimesu; dammi,demi; damma, dema. Añcitteti kiṃ? Dadāmi. Dadāma.

For the root `dā` in the present tense, when not reduplicated, `daṃ` is the optional substitute before the `mi` and `ma` suffixes. For example: dammi, demi; damma, dema. Why 'when not reduplicated'? For example: dadāmi, dadāma.

Karassa sossakuṃ-.

For `kar` with its `o`, `kuṃ` (is the substitute).

Karassa saokārassa kuṃ vā hoti mimesu; kummi, kumma; karomi, karoma.

For the root `kar` together with its `o` vowel, `kuṃ` is the optional substitute before the `mi` and `ma` suffixes. For example: kummi, kumma; karomi, karoma.

Kā īādisu-.

For `kar`, `kā` (is the substitute) in the ī-etc. forms.

Karassa saokārassakā hoti vā īādisu; akāsi, akari; akaṃsu, akariṃsu; akā, akarā.

For the root `kar` together with its `o` vowel, `kā` is the optional substitute in the ī-etc. (aorist) forms. For example: akāsi, akari; akaṃsu, akariṃsu; akā, akarā.

Hāssacāhaṅi ssena-.

For `kar` and `hā`, `āhaṅi` (is the substitute) with `ssa`.

Karassasossahāssaca āhaṅi vā hoti ssena saha; kāhati, karissati; akāhā, akarissā;hāhatī, hāyissati; āhāhā, ahāyissā.

For the root `kar` with its `o` vowel, and for the root `hā`, `āhaṅi` is the optional substitute together with `ssa`. For example: kāhati, karissati (he will do); akāhā, akarissā (he would have done); hāhati, hāyissati (he will abandon); āhāhā, ahāyissā (he would have abandoned).

Labhavasacchidabhidarudānaṃ cchaṅi-.

For the roots `labh`, `vas`, `chid`, `bhid`, and `rud`, `cchaṅi` (is the substitute).

Labhādīnaṃ cchaṅi vā hoti ssena saha; alacchā, alabhissā, lacchati, labhissati; avacchā, avasissā; vacchati, vasissati; cchecchā, acchindissā; checchati. Chindissati; hecchā, bhindissā; bhecchati,bhindissati; arucchā, arodissā; rucchati, rodissati. Aññasmimpi chidassa vā cchaṅi yogavibhāgā?- Acchecchuṃ, acchindiṃsu. Aññesaṃ va?-Gacchaṃ, gacchissaṃ.

For `labh` and the other roots, `cchaṅi` is the optional substitute together with `ssa`. For example: alacchā, alabhissā (he would have gained); lacchati, labhissati (he will gain); avacchā, avasissā (he would have dwelt); vacchati, vasissati (he will dwell); acchecchā, acchindissā (he would have cut); checchati, chindissati (he will cut); abhecchā, abhindissā (he would have broken); bhecchati, bhindissati (he will break); arocchā, arodissā (he would have cried); rocchati, rodissati (he will cry). By splitting the rule, is `cchaṅi` optionally applied to `chid` in other cases too? For example: Acchecchuṃ, acchindiṃsu. And for other roots? For example: Gacchaṃ, gacchissaṃ.

Bhujamucavacavisānaṃ kkhaṅi-.

For the roots `bhuj`, `muc`, `vac`, and `vis`, `kkhaṅi` (is the substitute).

Bhujādīnaṃ kkhaṅi vā hoti ssena saha; abhokkhā, abhuñjissā; bhokkhati, bhujissati; amokkhā, amuñcissā; mokkhatiṃ muñcissati; acakkhā, avacissā; cakkhati. Vacissati; pāvekkhā, pāvisissā; pavekkhati, pavisissati. Visassāññasmimpi vā kkhaṅi yogavibhāgā?-Pāvekkhi, pāvisi.

For `bhuj` and other roots, the substitution `kkha` optionally occurs together with `ssa`: `abhokkhā`, `abhuñjissā` (he would have eaten); `bhokkhati`, `bhujissati` (he will eat); `amokkhā`, `amuñcissā` (he would have released); `mokkhati`, `muñcissati` (he will release); `acakkhā`, `avacissā` (he would have spoken); `cakkhati`, `vacissati` (he will speak); `pāvekkhā`, `pāvisissā` (he would have entered); `pavekkhati`, `pavisissati` (he will enter). For the root `vis`, is `kkha` also optionally applied in another instance by splitting the rule? `Pāvekkhi`, `pāvisi`.

Āīādisu harassā-.

For terminations beginning with `ā`, `ī`, etc., shortening occurs.

Āādoīādo ca harassaā hoticā; ahā, aharā; abhāsi, abhari.

And for terminations beginning with `ā` and `ī`, shortening optionally occurs: `ahā`, `aharā`; `abhāsi`, `abhari`.

Gamissa-.

For `gamissa`.

Āādoīādo ca gamissā hoti vā; agā, agamā; agā,agami. Saṃsassa ca chaṅi-.

For terminations beginning with `ā` and `ī`, `gamissā` is optionally substituted: `agā`, `agamā`; `agā`, `agami`. And for the root `saṃsa`, `cha`.

Saṃsassa ca gamissa ca chaṅi vā hoti āīādisu; aḍañchā, aḍaṃsā; aḍañchi,aḍaṃsi; agañchā, agacchā, agañchi, agacchi.

For the root `saṃsa` and the stem `gamissa`, the substitution `cha` optionally occurs with terminations beginning with `ā`, `ī`, etc.: `aḍañchā`, `aḍaṃsā`; `aḍañchi`, `aḍaṃsi`; `agañchā`, `agacchā`; `agañchi`, `agacchi`.

Hūssahehehihohī ssaccādo-.

For the root `hū`, the substitutions `he`, `hi`, `ho`, `hī` occur before terminations beginning with `ssa`, etc.

Hūssa hñādayo honti ssaccādo; hessati, hehissati, hohissati.

For the root `hū`, substitutions such as `he` occur before terminations beginning with `ssa`, etc.: `hessati`, `hehissati`, `hohissati`.

Ṇānāsu rasso-.

For the verbal class markers `ṇā` and `nā`, shortening occurs.

Kaṇakanāsu kriyatthassarasso hoti; kiṇāti, dhunāti.

For the verbal class markers `kiṇā` and `nā`, shortening of the root vowel occurs: `kiṇāti`, `dhunāti`.

Āīūmhāssāssamhānaṃ vā-.

For the endings `ā`, `ī`, `ū`, `mhā`, `ssā`, `ssamhā`, optionally.

Esaṃ vā rasso hoti; gama, gamā; gami, gamī; gamu; gamimha, gamimhā; gamissa, gamissā; gamissamha, gamissamhā.

For these, shortening optionally occurs: `gama`, `gamā`; `gami`, `gamī`; `gamu`, `gamū`; `gamimha`, `gamimhā`; `gamissa`, `gamissā`; `gamissamha`, `gamissamhā`.

Kusaruhehissa chi-.

After the roots `kus` and `ruh`, for `ī`, the substitution `chi` occurs.

Kusā ruhā ca parassa īssa chi vā hoti; akkocchi, akkosi; abhirucchi, abhiruhi.

After the roots `kus` and `ruh`, for a following `ī`, `chi` is optionally the substitute: `akkocchi`, `akkosi`; `abhirucchi`, `abhiruhi`.

Aīssaādīnaṃ byañjanassiña-.

For terminations beginning with `a`, `ī`, `ssa`, etc., substitution for a consonant.

Kriyatthā paresaṃ aādīnaṃ īādinaṃ ssaādīnava byañjanassैña hoti vibhāsā; babhuvittha,abhavittha, abhavissā, anubhavissā, anubhavissati, anubhossati, (harissati) hassati. Etesanti kiṃ? Bhavati; byañjanassāti kiṃ? Babhuva.

For the consonants of following verbal terminations beginning with `a`, `ī`, `ssa`, etc., substitution optionally occurs: `babhuvittha`, `abhavittha`; `abhavissā`, `anubhavissā`; `anubhavissati`, `anubhossati`; `(harissati)`, `hassati`. Why specify 'of these terminations'? Consider `bhavati`. Why specify 'of a consonant'? Consider `babhuva`.

Brūto tissīña-.

From the root `brū`, for `ti`, the substitution `īña`.

Brūto parassa tissa īña vā hoti; bravīti, brūti.

After the root `brū`, for a following `ti`, `īña` is optionally the substitute: `bravīti`, `brūti`.

Kyassa-.

For `kya`.

Kriyatthā parassakyassa īñvā hoti; pacīyati paccati.

For a following `kya` suffix in verbal formations, `ī` is optionally substituted for `ya`: `pacīyati`, `paccati`.

Eyyāthassñaāīthānaṃ oaaṃtthatthovhoka-.

For the suffixes `eyyātha`, `ssa`, `a`, `ī`, `tha`, the substitutions `o`, `a`, `aṃ`, `ttha`, `ttho`, `vho`, `ka` occur.

Eyyāthādīnaṃ oādayo vā honti yathākkamaṃ; tumhe bhaveyyātho, bhaveyyātha; tvaṃ abhavissa, abhavisse; ahaṃ abhavaṃ, abhava; so abhavittha, abhavā; so abhavittho, abhavī; tumhe bhavathavho, bhavatha–-āsahavaritova akāro gayhate–-tho panante niddesā tvādisambandhīyeva, tasseva vā nissītattā; nissayayakaraṇampi hi suttakārāviṇṇaṃ.

For `eyyātha` and other suffixes, `o` and other substitutions optionally occur in respective order: `tumhe bhaveyyātho`, `bhaveyyātha` (you would be); `tvaṃ abhavissa`, `abhavisse` (you would have been); `ahaṃ abhavaṃ`, `abhava` (I was); `so abhavittha`, `abhavā` (he was); `so abhavittho`, `abhavī` (he was); `tumhe bhavathavho`, `bhavatha` (you are). The commentary notes: the vowel `a` is taken as in `āsahavarita`; the ending `tho` is explained as related to `tva`, etc., or as dependent on it, for the use of such supporting particles is also known to the authors of the suttas.

Uṃssiṃsvaṃsu -.

For `uṃ`, the substitutes `iṃsu` and `aṃsu` occur.

Umiccassa iṃsuaṃsu vā honti; agamiṃsu, agamaṃsu, agamuṃ.

For the suffix `uṃ`, `iṃsu` and `aṃsu` optionally occur: `agamiṃsu`, `agamaṃsu`, `agamuṃ`.

Emantā suṃ-.

After a stem ending in `e`, `suṃ`.

Ñādesato oādesato ca parassa umiccassa suṃ vā hoti; nesuṃ, nayiṃsu; assosuṃ, assuṃ–-ādesattākhyā panatthaṃ ttaggahaṇaṃ.

After a `ñā` substitute and an `o` substitute, for a following `uṃ`, `suṃ` optionally occurs: `nesuṃ`, `nayiṃsu`; `assosuṃ`, `assuṃ`. The inclusion of `-to` is for the purpose of indicating that it is a substitute.

Hūto resuṃ-.

From the root `hū`, `resuṃ`.

Hūto parassa umiccassa resuṃ vā hoti; ahesuṃ, ahavuṃ.

After the root `hū`, for a following `uṃ`, `resuṃ` optionally occurs: `ahesuṃ`, `ahavuṃ`.

Ossa ऐtthattho-.

For the suffix `o`, the substitutions `a`, `ttha`, and `ttho` occur.

Ossa aādayo vā honti; tvaṃ abhava, abhavi, abhavittha, abhavittho, abhavo.

For the suffix `o`, `a` and other substitutions optionally occur: `tvaṃ abhava`, `abhavi`, `abhavittha`, `abhavittho`, `abhavo` (you were).

Si-.

For `si`.

Ossa si vā hoti; ahosi tvaṃ ahuvo.

For the suffix `o`, `si` optionally occurs: ahosi tvaṃ, ahuvo (you were).

Dīghā īssa-.

For `ī` after a long vowel.

Dīghato parassa īssa si vā hoti; akāsi, akā; adāsi, adā.

After a long vowel, the suffix `ī` is optionally replaced by `si`: akāsi, akā; adāsi, adā.

Mhātthānamuña-.

For `mha` and `ttha`, `uñ`.

Mhātthānamuñdvā hoti; agamumhā, agamimhā; agamuttha, agamittha.

For `mha` and `ttha`, `uñ` optionally occurs: agamumhā, agamimhā; agamuttha, agamittha.

Iṃssa ca siña-.

And for `iṃ`, `siñ`.

Imiccassa siña vā hoti mhātthānañca bahulaṃ; akāsiṃ, akariṃ; aakāsimhā, akarimhā;akāsittha, akarittha.

For the suffix `iṃ`, `siñ` optionally occurs, and frequently also for `mha` and `ttha`: akāsiṃ, akariṃ; akāsimhā, akarimhā; akāsittha, akarittha.

Eyyuṃssuṃ-.

For `eyyuṃ`, `uṃ`.

Eyyumiccassa uṃ vā hoti; gacchuṃ, gaccheyyuṃ.

For the suffix `eyyuṃ`, `uṃ` optionally occurs: gacchuṃ, gaccheyyuṃ.

Hissato lopo-.

Elision of `hi` after `a`.

Ato parassa hissa lopo vā hoti; gaccha, gacchāhi–-atoti kiṃ? Karohi.

After `a`, the suffix `hi` is optionally elided: gaccha, gacchāhi. Why `ato` (after `a`)? Karohi.

Kyassa sse-.

Of `kya` before `ssa`.

Kyassa vā lopo hoti sse; andhabhavissā, anvabhuyissā, anubhavissati, anubhuyissati.

The suffix `kya` is optionally elided before `ssa`: andhabhavissā, anvabhuyissā; anubhavissati, anubhuyissati.

Atthiteyyādicchantaṃ ssusasathasaṃsāma -.

After `as`, for `eyya` etc., `ssa`, `su`, `satha`, `saṃ`, `sāma`.

Asa-bhuvīccasmā paresaṃeyyādicchannaṃ sādayo honti yathākkamaṃ; assa, assu, assa, assatha, assaṃ, assāma.

After the roots `as` and `bhū`, for the suffixes `eyya` etc., substitutes beginning with `s` occur in order: assa, assu, assa, assatha, assaṃ, assāma.

Ādidvīnnamiyāiyuṃ-.

For the first two, `iyā` and `iyuṃ`.

Atthiteyyādicchannaṃ ādibhūtānaṃ dvinnaṃ iyāisuṃ honti yathākkamaṃ; siyā, siyuṃ.

After the root `as`, for the first two of the suffixes beginning with `eyya`, `iyā` and `iyuṃ` occur respectively: siyā, siyuṃ.

Tassatho-.

For `ta`, `tho`.

Atthito parassa takārassa tho hoti; attha, atthu.

After the root `as`, `th` is the substitute for the letter `t` of a suffix: attha, atthu.

Sihisvaṭa-.

When `si` and `hi` follow, `aṭa`.

Atthissa aṭa hoti sihisu; ṭo sabbādesattho; asi, ahi.

For the root `as`, `aṭa` is the substitute when `si` and `hi` follow; the `ṭ` indicates a complete substitution: asi, ahi.

Mimānaṃ vā mhimhā ca-.

And for `mi` and `ma`, optionally `mhi` and `mhā`.

Atthismā paresaṃ mimānaṃ mhimhā vā honti, taṃsantiyo gena tthissa aṭa ca; amhi,asmi; amha, asma.

After the root `as`, `mhi` and `mhā` are optional substitutes for `mi` and `ma`; and by that same connection, `aṭa` for `ttha`: amhi, asmi; amha, asma.

Esu sa-.

When `e` follows, `sa`.

Esu mimesuatthissa sakāro hoti; asmi, asma; pararūpabādhanatthaṃ.

When endings beginning with `e`, or `mi` and `ma` follow, the root `as` is maintained: asmi, asma. This is for the purpose of preventing coalescence (`pararūpa`).

Īādo dīgho-.

When `ī` etc. follow, lengthening.

Atthissa dīgho hoti īādimhi; āsi, āsuṃ, āsi, āsittha, āsiṃ, āsimhā.

The root `as` is lengthened when an ending beginning with `ī` follows: āsi, āsuṃ, āsi, āsittha, āsiṃ, āsimhā.

Himimesvassa-. Akārassa dīgho hoti himimesu; pavāhi, pavāmi, pavāma; muyhāmi.

When `hi`, `mi`, and `ma` follow, of `a`. The vowel `a` is lengthened when `hi`, `mi`, and `ma` follow: pavāhi, pavāmi, pavāma; muyhāmi.

Sakā ṇāssa kha īādo-.

After `sak`, for `ṇā`, `kha` when `ī` etc. follow.

Sakasmā kaṇāssa kho hoti ī ādisu; asakkhi, asakkhiṃsu.

From the root sak, kh is substituted for the ṇ of the suffix kaṇā in affixes beginning with ī; for example, asakkhi, asakkhiṃsu.

Sse vā-.

And optionally in the case of sse.

Sakasmā kaṇāssa kho vā bhoti sse; sakkhissā, sakkuṇissā; sakkhissati, sakkuṇissati.

From the root sak, kh is optionally substituted for the ṇ of the suffix kaṇā in the case of sse; for example, sakkhissā, sakkuṇissā; sakkhissati, sakkuṇissati.

Tesu suto keṇākaṇānaṃ roṭa-.

In those affixes, after the root su, for the suffixes keṇā and kaṇā, there is the substitution roṭa.

Tesu īādissesu suto paresaṃ keṇākaṇānaṃ roṭa hoti; assosi, asuṇi; assossā, asuṇissā; sossati, suṇissati.

In the affixes beginning with ī and in sse, after the root su, the substitution roṭa occurs for the following suffixes keṇā and kaṇā; for example, assosi, asuṇi; assossā, asuṇissā; sossati, suṇissati.

Ñāssa sanāssa nāyo timhi-.

For the roots ñā and sanā, nā is substituted in the case of the affix ti.

Sanāssa ñāssa nāyo vā hoti timhi; nāyati. Jānāti.

For the roots sanā and ñā, nā is optionally substituted in the case of the affix ti; for example, nāyati, jānāti.

Ñamhi jaṃ-.

In the case of the affix ñā, there is the substitution jaṃ.

Ñādese sanāssa ñāssa jaṃ vā hoti; jaññā, jāneyya.

When ñā is the substitute affix, jaṃ is optionally substituted for the roots sanā and ñā; for example, jaññā, jāneyya.

Eyyassiyāñā vā-.

For the affix eyya, iyā or ñā are optionally substituted.

Ñāto eyyassa iyāñā honti vā; jāniyā, jaññā, jāneyya.

After the root ñā, iyā or ñā are optionally substituted for the affix eyya; for example, jāniyā, jaññā, jāneyya.

Īssaccādisu kanā lopo-.

There is elision of the suffix kanā in the case of affixes beginning with ī, ssa, and cca.

Īādo ssaccādo ca ñāto kanā lopo vā hoti; aññasi, ajāni; ñassati, jānissati.

After the root ñā, there is optional elision of the suffix kanā in the case of affixes beginning with ī and ssacca; for example, aññasi, ajāni; ñassati, jānissati.

Ssassa hi kamme-.

For the affix ssa, hi is substituted in the passive voice.

Ñāto parassassassa hi vā hoti kamme; paññāyihiti, paññāyissatī,

After the root ñā, hi is optionally substituted for the following affix ssa in the passive voice; for example, paññāyihiti, paññāyissati.

Etismā-.

From the root eta.

Etismā parassassassahi hoti vā; ehiti, essati.

From the root eta, hi is optionally substituted for the following affix ssa; for example, ehiti, essati.

Hanā chekhā-.

For the root han, there are the substitutions che and khā.

Hanā ssassa chekhā vā honti; hañchema, hanissāma; paṭihaṃkhāmi, paṭihanissāmi.

After the root han, che and khā are optionally substituted for the affix ssa; for example, hañchema, hanissāma; paṭihaṃkhāmi, paṭihanissāmi.

Hāto ha-.

After the root hā, there is the substitution ha.

Hāto parassa ssassa ha hoti vā; hāhati, chahissati.

After the root hā, ha is optionally substituted for the following affix ssa; for example, hāhati, chahissati.

Dakkhakhahehihohīhi lopo-.

After the substitutes dakkha, kha, he, hi, ho, and hī, there is elision.

Dakkhādīhi ādesehi parassassassa lopo vā hoti; dakkhati. Dakkhissati; sakkhati, sakkhissati; hehiti, hehissati; hohiti, hohissati.

After the substitutes dakkha and so on, there is optional elision of the following affix ssa; for example, dakkhati, dakkhissati; sakkhati, sakkhissati; hehiti, hehissati; hohiti, hohissati.

Kayireyyasseyyumādīnaṃ-.

Of kayireyya, sseyya, eyyum, and so on.

Kayirā parasseyyumādīnameyyassa lopo hoti; kayiruṃ, kayirāsi, kayirātha, kayirāmi, kayirāma.

After the stem kayirā, the eyya part of the following affixes eyyum and so on is elided; for example, kayiruṃ, kayirāsi, kayirātha, kayirāmi, kayirāma.

Ṭā-.

Ṭā-.

Kayirā parassa eyyassaṭā hoti; sokayirā.

After the stem kayirā, ṭā is substituted for the following affix eyya; for example, so kayirā.

Ethassā-.

For the affix etha, there is the substitution ā.

Kayirā parassethassa ā hoti; kayirātha.

After the stem kayirā, ā is substituted for the following affix etha; for example, kayirātha.

Labhā iṃīnaṃ thaṃthā vā-.

After the root labh, thaṃ and thā are optionally substituted for the affixes iṃ and ī respectively.

Labhasmā iṃīiccesaṃ thaṃthā honti vā; alatthaṃ, alabhiṃ; alattha, alabhi.

From the root labh, thaṃ and thā are optionally substituted for the affixes iṃ and ī respectively; for example, alatthaṃ, alabhiṃ; alattha, alabhi.

Gurupubbā rassā re ntentīnaṃ-.

For `nta` and `ntī` after a short vowel preceded by a heavy syllable, `re` is substituted.

Gurupubbasmā rassā paresaṃ ntentīnaṃ re vā hoti; gacchare, gacchanti; gacchare, gacchante; gamissare, gamissanti; gamissare, gamissante–-gurupubbāti kiṃ? Pacanti. Rassāti kiṃ? Honti

For the suffixes `nta` and `ntī` that follow a short vowel preceded by a heavy syllable, `re` is optionally substituted. For example: `gacchare` for `gacchanti`; `gacchare` for `gacchante`; `gamissare` for `gamissanti`; `gamissare` for `gamissante`. Why the specification 'preceded by a heavy syllable'? For example, `pacanti`. Why the specification 'short vowel'? For example, `honti`.

Eyyeyyāseyyantaṃ ṭe-.

For `eyya`, `eyyāsi`, and `eyyaṃ`, `ṭe` is the substitute.

Eyyādīnaṃ ṭe vā hoti; so kare, so kareyya; tvaṃ, kare, tvaṃ kareyyāsi; ahaṃ kare, ahaṃ kareyyaṃ.

For `eyya` and the other suffixes, `ṭe` is optionally substituted. For example: `so kare` for `so kareyya`; `tvaṃ kare` for `tvaṃ kareyyāsi`; `ahaṃ kare` for `ahaṃ kareyyaṃ`.

Ovikaraṇassu paracchakke-.

For the `o` stem-suffix, `u` is substituted in the paracchakka.

Ovikaraṇassa u hoti paracchakkavisaye; tanute.

For the `o` stem-suffix, `u` is substituted in the domain of the paracchakka. For example: `tanute`.

Pubbacchakke vā kvaci-.

And sometimes optionally in the pubbacchakka.

Ovikaraṇassa u hoti vā kvaci pubbacchakke; vanuti, vanoti.

For the `o` stem-suffix, `u` is sometimes optionally substituted in the pubbacchakka. For example: `vanuti`, `vanoti`.

Eyyāmassemu ca-.

And for `eyyāma`, `emu` is substituted.

Eyyāmassemu vā hoti, u ca; bhavemu, bhaveyyāmu, bhaveyyāma.

For `eyyāma`, `emu` is optionally substituted, and `u` is substituted for its `ā`. For example: `bhavemu`, `bhaveyyāmu`, `bhaveyyāma`.

Iti moggallāne vyākaraṇe vuttiyaṃ tyādikaṇḍo chaṭṭho.

Thus ends the sixth chapter, the Tyādikaṇḍa, in the commentary on the Moggallāna Grammar.

Samattā cāyaṃ moggallānavutti chahi bhāṇavārehi.

And this commentary by Moggallāna, comprising six recitation sections, is complete.

Yassa rañño pabhāvena bhāvitattasamākulaṃ,Anākulaṃ duladdhīhi pāpabhikkhūhi sabbaso;

By the majesty of which king, the Teaching, filled with those of cultivated minds, is completely undisturbed by wrong views and evil monks;

Laṅkāya munirājassa sāsanaṃ sādhu saṇṭhitaṃ,Puṇṇavandasamāyogā vāridhīca vivaddhate;

The Teaching of the King of Sages is well-established in Laṅkā, and it prospers like the ocean at the rising of the full moon;

Parakkamabhuje tasmiṃ saddhābuddhiguṇodite,Manuvaṃsaddhajākāre laṅkādīpaṃ pasāsati;

While that Parakkamabāhu—endowed with the qualities of faith and wisdom, a veritable banner of the Manu dynasty—rules the island of Laṅkā.

Māggallānena therena dhīmatā sucivuttinaṃ,Racitaṃ yaṃ suviññeyyamasandiddhamanākulaṃ;

That which was composed by the wise Elder Moggallāna of pure conduct is easy to understand, unambiguous, and unconfused;

Asesavisayavyāpi jinavyappathanissayaṃ,Saddasatthamanāyāsasādhiyaṃ buddhivaddhanaṃ;

This science of grammar, which encompasses all subjects, relies on the Victor's dispensation, is accomplished without difficulty, and increases wisdom.

Tassa vutti samāsena vipulatthappakāsanī,Racitā puna teneva sāsanujjotakārināti;

Its commentary, which, though brief, reveals extensive meaning, was composed again by that same illuminator of the Teaching.